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STUDIES
IN THE
Psychology of Sex
BY
HAVELOCK ELLIS
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013
http://archive.org/details/evolutionofmodesOOelli
STUDIES
IN Tin:
PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PEKIODICUPY
AUTO-EROTISM
BY
HAVELOCK^LLIS
PHILADELPHIA, NEW YORK. CHICAGO
F. A. DAVIS COMPANY, PUBLISHERS
1901 N
COPYRIGHT, 1900.
BT
THE F. A DAVIS COMPANY
Philadelphia. Pa.. I'. S. A.:
The Medical Bnllelin Printin^-Hous*.
1916 Cherry Street
MM,
PEEFACE.
The present volume contains three studies which se^m to
me to be necessary prolegomena to that analysis of the sexual
instinct which must form the chief part of an investigation into
the psychology of sex. The first sketches the main outlines of
a complex emotional state which is of fundamental importance
in sexual psychology; the second, by bringing together evidence
from widely different regions, suggests a tentative explanation
of facts that are still imperfectly known; the third attempts to
show that even in fields where we assume our knowledge to be
adequate a broader view of the phenomena teaches us to sus-
pend judgment and to adopt a more cautious attitude. So far
as they go, these studies are complete in themselves; their spe-
cial use, as an introduction to a more comprehensive analysis of
sexual phenomena, is that they bring before us, under varying
aspects, a characteristic which, though often ignored, is of the
first importance in obtaining a clear understanding of the facts:
the tendency of the sexual impulse to appear in a spontaneous
and to some extent periodic manner, affecting women differently
from men. This is a tendency which, later, I hope to make still
more apparent, for it has practical and social, as well as psycho-
logical, implications. Here — and more especially in the study
of those spontaneous solitary manifestations which I call auto-
erotic — I have attempted to clear the ground, and to indicate
the main lines along which the progress of our knowledge in
these fields mav best be attained.
It may surprise many medical readers that in the third and
longest study I have said little, save incidentally, either of treat-
ment or prevention. The omission of such considerations at this
stage is intentional. It may safely be said that in no other field of
human activitv is so vast an amount of strenuous didactic moral-
VI PREFACE.
ity founded on so slender a basis of facts. In most other depart-
ments of life we at least make a pretence of learning before we
presume to teach: in the field of sex we content ourselves with
the smallest and vaguest minimum of information, often osten-
tatiously second-hand, usually unreliable. I wish to emphasize
the fact that before we can safely talk either of curing or pre-
venting these manifestations we must know a great deal more
than we know at present regarding their distribution, etiology,
and symptomatology; and we must exercise the same coolness
and caution as — if our work is to be fruitful — we require in any
other field of serious study. We must approach these facts as
physicians, it is true, but also as psychologists, primarily con-
cerned to find out the workings of such manifestations in fairly
healthy and normal people. If we found a divorce-court judge
writing a treatise on marriage we should smile. But it is equally
absurd for the physician, so long as his knowledge is confined to
disease, to write regarding sex at large; valuable as the facts he
brings forward may he. he can never be in a position to generalize
concerning them. And to me, at all events, it seems that we have
had more tlian enough pictures of gross sexual perversity, whether
furnished Ijy tlie asylum or the brothel. They are only really
instructive when they are seen in their proper ]>erspective as the
rare and ultimate extremes of a chain of phenomena which we
may more profitably study nearer home.
Yet, although we are, on every hand, surrounded l)y the
normal manifestations of sex, conscious or unconscious, these
manifestations are extremely diHicult to observe, and. in those
cases in whicli we nre best able to observe thenu it freinieutly
happens that we ai'c iiiinl)l(' to make any use of our knowledge.
Moreover, even wlicii wc have ol)tained our data, the dilliciilties —
at all events, for an English investigator — are by no means over-
come Ife may take for granted that any serious and jirecise
study of the sexual instinct will not meet with general approvnl;
his work will be misunderstood: his motives will be cmIKmI in
question: among those for whom he is chiefly working he will
find indinVrence. Indeed, the pioneer in this field may well
count himself ]ia|)py if he meet.- with nothing worse tluni indif-
i'KEFACE. Ml
ference. Hence it is thai the present volume will not be pub-
lished in England. l)iit that, availinu' myself of the generous
sympathy with which my woik has been received in America, I
have sought the wider medical and scientific audience of the
United States. In matters of faith, "liberty of prophesying" was
centuries since eloquently vindicated for Englishmen; the liberty
of investigating facts is still called in question, under one pre-
tence or another, and to seek out the most vital facts of life is
still in England a pei-ilous task.
I desire most heartily to thank the iiuiuerous friends and
correspondents, some living in remote parts of the world, who
have freely assisted me in my work with valuable information
and personal histories. To Mr. E. H. Perry-Coste I owe an ap-
pendix which is by far the most elaborate attempt yet made to
find evidence of periodicity in the spontaneous sexual manifesta-
tions of sleep; my debts to various medical and other correspond-
ents are duly stated in the text. To many women friends and
correspondents I may here express my gratitude for the manner
in which they have furnished me with intimate personal records,
and for the cross-examination to which they have allowed me to
subject them. I may already say here, what I shall have occa-
sion to say more emphatically in subsequent volumes, that with-
out the assistance I have received from women of fine intelligence
and high character my work would be impossible. I regret that
I camiot make my thank- more specific.
Havelock Ellis.
Carbis Water.
Lelant. Cornwall. England.
CONTENTS.
The Evolution of Modesty.
The Definition of Modesty. INIodesty based on Fear. The Sexual
Factor of Modesty. In Animals and in Men. The Origin of tlie
Attitude of the Medicean Venus. The Sexual Factor of Modesty
based on Sexual Periodicity. The Aptitude for Disgust as a Fac-
tor of Modesty. The Modesty of Savages in Regard to Eating in
the Presence of Others. Why the Sacro-Pubic Region is a Focus
of Disgust. The Idea of Ceremonial Uncleanliness. How the
Face Becomes a Focus of Modesty. Modesty and Coquetry.
Ornament and Clothing. Modesty Becomes Concentrated in the
Garment. The Economic Factor in Modesty. The Contribution
of Civilization to Modesty. The Elaboration of Social Ritual.
The Blush the Sanction of Modesty. As Civilization advances
Modesty Tends to Become Extended, but not Intensified 1
The Phenomena of Sexual Periodicity.
I.
The Various Physiological and Psychological Rhythms. Menstrua-
tion. The Alleged Influence of the Moon. Frequent Suppression
of Menstruation among Primitive Races. Mittelschmerz. Pos-
sible Tendency to a Future Intermenstrual Cycle. Menstruation
among Animals. Menstruating Monkeys and Apes. What is
Menstruation? Its Primary Cause still Obscured. The Relation
of Menstruation to Ovulation. The Occasional Absence of Men-
struation in Health. The Relation of Menstruation to "Heat."
The Prohibition of Intercourse during Menstruation. The Pre-
dominance of Sexual Excitement at and Around the Menstrual
Period. Its Absence during the Period Frequently Apparent
only 49
II.
The Question of a Monthly Sexual Cycle in Men. The Earliest Sug-
gestions of a General Physiological Cycle in Men. Periodicity in
Disease. Insanit}^ Heart Disease, etc. The Alleged Twenty-three
(ix)
X cox TEXTS.
Days' Cycle. The Physiological Periodicity of Seminal Emissions
during Sleep. Original Observations. Fortnightly and Weekly
Rhythms 07
111.
The Annual Sexual Rhythm. In Animals. In ^len. Tendency of the
Sexual Imj)ulse to Become Heightened in Spring and Autumn.
The Prevalence of Seasonal Erotic Festivals. The Feast ot Fools.
The Easter and Midsummer Bonfires. The Seasonal Variations
in Birth-rate. The Causes of those Variations. The Typical Con-
ception-rate Curve for Europe. The Seasonal Periodicity of Sem-
inal Emissions during Sleep. Original Observations. Spring and
Autumn the Chief Periods of Involuntary Sexual E.xcitement.
The Seasonal Periodicity of Rapes. Of Outbreaks among Prison-
ers. The. Seasonal Curves of Insanity and Suicide. The Growtli
of Children according to Season. The Annual Curve of Bread-
consumption in Piisons. Seasonal Periodicity of Scarlet Fever.
The Underlying Causes of these Seasonal Phenomena 80
'o
Auto-erotism : A Study oi- the Spontaneous Mani-
festations OF THE Sexual Impulse.
I.
Definition ol Auto-erotism. Masturbation only Covers a Small i'or-
tion of tlie Auto-erotic Field. The Importance of this Study,
Especially To-day. Auto-erotic Phenomena in Animals. Among
Savage and Barbaric Races. The Japanese rin-iKi-liiiiKi and
other Sjjccial Instruments for Obtaining Auto-erotic Oratifica-
tion. Abuse of the Ordinary Imi)lements and Objects of Daily
Life. The Frequency of Hair-pin in the Bladder. The Influence
of Hor.se-exercise and Railway-traveling. The Sewing-machiin'
and the Bicycle. Spontaneous Passive Sexual Excitement. Dc-
Icctdtio Moidsd. Day-dn-aming. Polliit'ni. Sexual Excitement
during Slccj). Ditlerences in the Erotic Dreams of Men and
WomeiL The Auto-erotic Phenomena of Sleep in the Hysterical,
'i'licir l''rc(|ii('nt ly Painful Character 110
IT.
Hysteria and the Question of its Relation to the Sexual Fmotions.
Tlie Early (Jieek Theories of its Nature antl Causation. The
Gradual Rise of Modern \'ie\vs. Charcot. The Revolt against
Charcot's too-absolute Conclusions. Fallacies Involved. Char-
cot's Attitude the Outcome of his Personal Temperament.
CONTENTS. XI
Breiier and Freud. Siiiiiinaiy of their liivesli<rations. Breuer
and Freud's views Supplement and Complete ('harcot's. At the
Same Time they Furnish a Justification for the Earlier Doc-
trine of Hysteria. But they Must Not be Regarded as Final.
The Difl'used Hysteroid Condition in Normal Persons. The
Physiological Basis of Hysteria. True Pathological Hysteria
is Linked on to almost Normal States, Especially to Sex-
hunger 139
III.
The Prevalence of Masturbation, its Occurrence in Infancy and
Childhood. Is it More Frequent in Males or Females? After
Adolescence Apparently more Frequent in Women. Reasons for
the Sexual Distribution of Masturbation. The Evils Attributed
to Masturbation. Historical Sketch of the Views held on this
Point. The Symptoms and Results of Masturbation. Its
Alleged Influence in Causing Eye-disorders. Its Relation to
Insanity and Nervous Disorders. The Evil Effects of Mastur-
bation Usually Occur on the Basis of a Congenitally-^Iorbid
Nervous System. Neurasthenia Probably the Commonest Ac-
companiment of Excessive Masturbation. Precocious Mastur-
bation Tends to Produce Aversion to Coitus. Psychical Results
of Habitual Masturbation. Masturbation in INIen of Genius.
Masturbation as a Nervous Sedative. Typical Cases. The
Greek Attitude toward Masturbation. Attitude of the Catholic
Theologians. The Mohammedan Attitude. The Modern Scien-
tific Attitude. The Immense Part in Life Played by Transmuted
Auto-erotic Phenomena 165
APPENDIX A.
The Influence of Menstruation on the Position of Women 205
APPENDIX B.
Sexual Periodicity in ^len 218
APPENDIX C.
The Auto-erotic Factor in Religion 231
Index 245
Diagrams ' 257
THE EVOLUTION^ OF MODESTY.
The Definition of Modesty— Modesty Based on Fear — The Sexual
Factor of Modesty — In Animals and in Men — The Origin of the Attitude
of the Medicean Venus — The Sexual Factor of Modesty Based on Sexual
Periodicity — The Aptitude for Disgust as a Factor of Modesty — The
Modesty of Savages in Regard to Eating in the Presence of Others — ^Miy
the Sacro-pubic Region is a Focus of Disgust — The Idea of Ceremonial
Uncleanliness — How the Face Becomes a Focus of Modesty — Modesty
and Coquetry — Ornament and Clothing — Modesty Becomes Concentrated
in the Garment — The Economic Factor in Modesty — The Contribution of
Civilization to Modesty — The Elaboration of Social Ritual — The Blush
the Sanction of Modesty — As Civilization advances Modesty Tends to
become Extended, but not Intensified.
Modesty, — which may be provisionally defined as an almost
instinctive fear prompting to concealment, and nsually centering
around the sexual processes, — while common to both sexes, is
more peculiarly feminine, so that it may almost be regarded as the
chief secondary sexual character of women on the psychical side.
The woman who is lacking in this kind of fear is lacking, also,
in sexual attractiveness to the normal and average man. The
apparent exceptions seem to prove the rule, for it will generally
be found that the women who are, not immodest (for immodesty
is more closely related to modesty than mere negative absence of
the sense of modesty), but without that fear which implies the
presence of a complex emotional feminine organization to defend,
only make a strong sexual appeal to men who are themselves
lacking in the complementary masculine qualities. As a psy-
chical secondary sexual character of the first rank, it is necessary
before any psychology of sex can be arranged in order, to obtain
a clear view of modesty.
The immense importance of feminine modesty in creating mascu-
line passion must be fairly obvious. 1 may, however, quote the observa-
(1)
2 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
tions of two writers who have shown evidence of insight and knowledge
regarding tliis matter.
Casanova describes how, when at Berne, lie went to the baths, and
was, according to custom, attended by a young girl, whom he selected
from a group of bath attendants. She undressed him, proceeded to un-
dress herself, and then entered the bath with him, and rubbed him
thoroughly all over, the operation being performed in the most serious
manner and without a word's being spoken. When all was over, how-
ever, he perceived that the girl had expected him to make advances, and
he thus proceeds to moralize on his own feelings of indiflFerence under such
circumstance. "Though without gazing on the girl's figure, I had seen
enougli to recognize that she had all that a man can desire to find in a
woman: a beautiful face, lively and well-formed eyes, a beautiful mouth
with good teeth, a healthy complexion, well-developed breasts, and every-
thing in harmony. It is true that I had felt that her hands could have
been smoother, but I could only attribute this to hard work; moreover,
my Swiss girl was only eighteen, and yet 1 remained entirely cold. What
was the cause of this? That was the question that I asked myself.
It was, perhaps, because she was too near to nature, because she had
not those graces, that coquetry, those pretty little grimacing airs that
women employ with so much art to seduce us. But do we then only
love artifices and falsehood? Perhaps also we need, in order to irritate
our senses, to define charms through the veil of modesty. But if in our
manner of clothing, the face, which is open to every one. is that whicli
is least important to our entire satisfaction, A\hy is it that the face
plays the principal part, why is it that by the face we fall in love,
why by its testimony alone do we judge the beauty of a woman, and
why do we forgive her when the parts which she conceals are not in
harmony with her pretty face? Would it not be more natural, and,
especially, more reasonable, and more advantageous, to cover the face,
and to leave the rest of the body uncovered? In this way, when we
fall in love we need only desire a ])hysiognomy which corresponds to
the charms that have attracted us. No doubt, that would be preferable,
for we sliould only be seduced then by perfect beauty, and we should
easily forgive when, on the mask's being raised, we found an ugly face
where we expected to find a beautiful one. It would then ]ia])pen that
an ugly woman, happy to seduce by the beauty of her figure, would
be tlie only one who would never consent to unveil, while the beautiful
ones would not need begging to show their faces. The ugly ones would
not cause us to sigh long. They would be facile in order not to be
forced to show themselves, and. if they consented to unmask, it would
only be after having convinced us by enjoyment that man can be happy
without the beauty of the face. It is, besides, evident tliat inconstancy
in love onlv exists on account oi \ho diversity of faces. Tf one never
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 6
saw them, one would be always constant to, and even in love with,
the first woman that one fell in love with. I know that all this reason-
ing will be called mad by many madmen, but I shall not be there to
answer them." ("IMemoires," edition Garnier, vol. iv, pp. 393-94.)
"It is clear," wrote Stendhal, "that three parts of modesty are
taught. This is, perhaps, the only law born of civilization which pro-
duces nothing but happiness. It has been observed that birds of prey
hide themselves to drink, because, being obliged to plunge their heads
in the water, they are at that moment defenceless. After having con-
sidered A\liat passes at Otaheite, I can see no other natural foundation
for modesty. Love is the miracle of civilization. Among savage and
very barbarous races we find nothing but physical love of a gross char-
acter. It is modesty that gives to love the aid of imagination, and in
so doing imparts life to it. Modesty is very early taught to little girls
by their mothers, and with extreme jealousy, one might say, by esprit
de corps. They are watching in advance over the happiness of the
future lover. To a timid and tender woman there ought to be no
greater torture tlian to allow herself in the presence of a man some-
thing which she thinks she ought to blush at. I am convinced that a
proud woman would prefer a thousand deaths. A slight liberty taken
on the tender side by the man she loves gives a woman a moment of
keen pleasure, but if he has the air of blaming her for it, or only of not
enjoying it with transport, an awful doubt must be left in her mind.
For a woman above tlie vulgar level there is, then, everything to gain
by very reserved manners. The play is not equal. She hazards against
a slight pleasure, or against the advantage of appearing a little amiable,
the danger of biting remorse, and a feeling of shame which must render
even the lover less dear. An evening passed gaily and thoughtlessly,
without thinking of what comes after, is dearly paid at this price. The
sight of a lover witli wliom one fears that one has had this kind of
wrong must become odious for several days. Can one be surprised at
the force of a habit, the slightest infractions of which are punished with
such atrocious shame? As to the utility of modesty, it is the mother
of love. As to the mechanism of the feeling, nothing is simpler. The
mind is absorbed in feeling shame instead of being occupied with desire.
Desires are forbidden, and desires lead to actions. It is evident that
every tender and proud woman — and these two things, being cause and
effect, naturally go together— must contract habits of coldness which
the people whom she disconcerts call prudery. The power of modesty
is so great that a tender woman betrays herself w ith her lover rather
by deeds than by words. The evil of modesty is that it constantly
leads to falsehood." (Stendhal. "De I'Amour," Cliapler XXVI.)
An interesting testimony to the part played by modesty in effect-
ing the union of the sexes is furnished by the fact — to Avhich attention
4 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
has often been called — that the special modesty of women usually tends
to disappear with the complete gratification of the sexual impulses.
This may be noted among savage as well as among civilized women.
Viazzi ("Pudore nell 'uomo e nella donna," Revista M ensile di
PsicJiiatria Forense, 1898), indeed, following Sergi, argues that men are,
throughout, more modest than women; but the points he brings forward,
though often just, scarcely justify his conclusion. While the young vir-
gin, however, is more modest and shy than the young man of the same
age, the experienced married woman is usualh' less so than her husband.
She has put off a sexual livery that has no longer any part to play in
life, and would, indeed, be inconvenient and harmful, just as a bird
loses its sexual plumage when the pairing season is over.^
]Madame Celine Eenooz, in a recent elaborate study of the psycho-
logical sexual dififerences between men and women ("Psychologic Com-
paree de I'Homme et de la Femme," 1898, pp. 85-87), also believes that
modesty is not really a feminine characteristic. "]\Iodesty," she argues,
"is masculine shame attributed to women for two reasons: first, because
man believes that woman is subject to the same laws as himself; sec-
ondly, because the course of human evolution has reversed the psychology
of the sexes, attributing to women the psychological results of masculine
sexuality. This is the origin of the conventional lies Avhich by a sort of
social suggestion have intimidated women. They have, in appearance
at least, accepted the rule of shame imposed on them by men, but only
custom inspires the modesty for which they are praised; it is really an
outrage to their sex. This reversal of psychological laws has, however,
only been accepted by women with a struggle. Primitive w oman, proud
of her womanhood, for a long time defended her nakedness which ancient
art has always represented. And in the actual life of the young girl
to-day there is a moment when, by a secret atavism she feels the pride
of her sex, the intuition of her moral superiority, and cannot understand
why she must hide its cause. At this moment, wavering between the
laws of Nature and social conventions, she scarcely knows if nakedness
sliould or should not affright her. A sort of confused atavistic memory
recalls to her a period before clothing was known, and reveals to her as
a paradisiacal ideal the customs of that human epoch."
In support of this view the authoress proceeds to point out that
the decollete constantly reappears in feminine clothing, never in male:
that missionaries experience great difficulty in persuading women (o
^This comparatively evanescent character of modesty has led to the
argument (Vcnturi, "Degencrazioni Psico-sessuali," i)p. 92-93) tliat mod-
esty ipudore) is possessed by women alone, men exhibiting, instead, a
sense of decencv which remains at about the same l(>vol of persistency
throiigliont life.
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. O
cover themselves; that, while Avomen accept with facility an examina-
tion by male doctors, men cannot force themselves to accept examination
by a woman doctor, etc. (These and similar points had already been
independently brought forward by Sergi, Archivio di Psichiatria, vol.
xiii, 1892.)
It cannot be said that Madame Renooz's arguments will all bear
examination, but the point of view which she expresses is one which
usually fails to gain recognition, though it probably contains an impor-
tant element of truth. At the same time it only reveals one thread in
the tangled skein with which we are here concerned. The mass of facts
^\hich meets us w'hen we turn to the study of modesty in women cannot
be dismissed as a group of artificially-imposed customs. They gain rather
than lose in importance if we have to realize that the organic sexual
demands of women, calling for coyness in courtship, lead to the tem-
porary suppression of another feminine instinct of opposite, though,
doubtless allied, nature.
The significance of such an inquiry becomes greater when
we reflect that to the reticences of sexual modesty, in their pro-
gression, expansion, and complication, we largely owe, not only
the refinement and development of the sexual emotions, — '^la
pudeur/' as Guyau remarked, "a civilise V amour/' — hut the
subtle and pervading part which the sexual instinct has played
in the evolution of all human culture.^
' "It is hard to find all the causes of modesty and shame," remark
Stanley Hall and Allin, "but it is certain that very much of what is best
in religion, art, and life owes its charm to the progressively-widening
irradiation of sexual feeling. Perhaps the reluctance of the female first
long-circuited tlie exquisite sensations connected with sexual organs and
acts to the antics of animal and human courtship, while restraint had
the physiological function of developing the colors, plumes, excessive
activity, and exuberant life of the pairing season. To keep certain parts
of the body covered irradiated the sense of beauty to eyes, hair, face,
com])]exion, dross, form. etc.. while many savage dances, costumes, and
postures are irradiations of the sexual act. Thus reticence, concealment,
and restraint are among the prime conditions of religion and human
culture." (Stanley Hall and Allin, "The Psychology of Tickling," Ameri-
can Journal of Psychology, p. 31, 1897.)
Groos attributes the deepening of the conjugal relation among birds
to the circumstance that the male seeks to overcome the reticence of the
female by the display of his charms and abilities. "And in the human
world." he continues, "it is the same; without the modest reserve of the
woman that must, in most cases, be overcome by lovable qualities, the
sexual relationship would with difficulty find a singer who would extol
in love the highest movements of the human soul." (Groos. "Spiele der
Menschen," p. 341.)
b PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
I have not, however, been able to find that the subject of
modesty has been treated in an}' comprehensive way by psychol-
ogists. Though valuable facts and suggestions bearing on the
sexual emotions, on disgust, the origins of tattooing, on ornament
and clothing, have been brought forward by physiologists, psy-
chologists, and ethnographists, few or no attempts appear to
have been made to reach a general synthetic statement of these
facts and suggestions. It is true that a great many unreliable,
slight, or fragmentary efforts have been made to ascertain the
constitution or basis of this emotion. Many psychologists, in-
cluding Sergi, have regarded modesty simply as the result of
clothing.^ This view is overturned by the well-ascertained fact
that many races which go absolutely naked possess a highly-
developed sense of modesty. These writers have not realized
that physiological modesty is earlier in appearance, and more
fundamental, than anatomical modesty. A partial contribution
to the analysis of modesty has been made by Professor James,
who, with his usual insight and lucidity, has set forth certain of
its characteristics, especially the element due to "the application
to ourselves of judgments primarily passed upon our mates."
Westermarck, again, followed by Grosse, has very ably and con-
vincingly set forth certain factors in the origin of ornament and
clothing, a subject which many writers imagine to cover the
whole field of modesty. More recently Eibot, in his work on
the emotions, lias vaguely outlined most of tlie factors of mod-
esty, but has not developed a coherent view of their origins and
relationships. The subject is, indeed, complicated by the difTi-
culty of excluding closely-allied emotions — shame, shyness, bash-
fulness, timidity, etc. — all of which, indeed, however defined,
adjoin or overlap modesty.- It is not, however, impossible to
isolate tlie main bodv of the emotion of modest v, on account of
' More rccontly. liowovor. Sorpfi lias oni])hasizod tlio foinciiU'iicc of
the sexual with the exeretinj? eentres as Icadiiii; io a fear of ('ausinjr dis-
gust, "Dolore e IMaeere." 18!)4, pp. 2(M)-212.
-Timidity, as understood by Du<,^as in his interestinf? essay on that
Ruhjcel. is prohahly most rcmoie. Dr. IT. Campbell's "morbid shyness"
(Hrilish ^Tcdieal .lournal, S(>plember 2(1. lS()(i). is. in pari, identical with
timidity, in ])art with modesty. Tlio matter is further eonii)lieated by
the faet tliat modestv itself has in Knfrli^^h dike virlue) two distinct
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 7
its special connection, on the whole, with the consciousness of
sex. I here attempt, however imperfectly, to sketch out a fairly-
complete analysis of its constitution and to trace its development.
In entering upon this investigation a few facts with regard to the
various manifestations of modesty may be helpful to us. I have selected
these from scattered original sources, and have sought to bring out
the variety and complexity of the problems with which we are here
concerned.
The New Georgians of the Solomon Islands, so low a race that
they are ignorant both of pottery and weaving and wear only a loin
cloth, "have the same ideas of what is decent with regard to certain
acts and exposures that we ourselves have"; so that it is difficult to
observe whether they practice circumcision. (Somerville, Journal of the
Anthropological Institute, p. 394, 1897.)
The semi-nude natives of the island of Nias in the Indian Ocean
are "modest by nature," paying no attention to their own nudity or
that of others, and much scandalized by any attempt to go beyond the
limits ordained by custom. When they pass near places where women
are bathing they raise their voices in order to warn them of their
presence, and even although any bold youth addressed the women, and
the latter replied, no attempt would be made to approach them; any
such attempt would be severely punished by the head man of the
village. (Modigliani, "Un Viaggio a Nias," p. 460.)
Man says that the Andamanese in modesty and self-respect com-
pare favorably with many classes among civilized peoples. "Women
are so modest that they will not renew their leaf-aprons in the presence
of one another, but retire to a secluded spot for this purpose: even
when parting with one of their &ocZ appendages [tails of leaves suspended
from back of girdle] to a female friend the delicacy they manifest for
the feelings of the by-standers in their mode of removing it amounts
to prudishness; yet they wear no clothing in the ordinary sense."
{Journal of the Anthropological Institute, pp. 94 and 331, 1883.)
In Australia "the feeling of decency is decidedly less prevalent
among males than females"; the clothed females retire out of sight to
bathe, (Curr, "Australian Race,")
"Except for waist-bands, forehead-bands, necklets, and armlets, and
meanings. In its original form it has no special connection with sex or
women, but may rather be considered as a masculine virtue. Cicero
regards "modestia" as the equivalent of the Greek \u}(pp5vv7] . This is
the "modesty" which Mary Wollstonecraft eulogized in the last century,
the outcome of knowledge and reflection, "soberness of mind," "the (grace-
ful calm virtue of maturity." In French it is possible to avoid the con-
fusion, and modestie is entirely distinct from pudeur. It is. of course,
mainly with pudeur that I am here concerned.
8 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
a conventional pubic tassel, shell, or, in the case of the \vomen, a small
apron, the Central Australian native is naked. The pubic tassel is a
diminutive structure about the size of a five-shilling piece made of a few
short strands of fur-strings flattened out into a fan-shape and attached
to the pubic hair. As the string, especially at corrobboree times, is
covered with white kaolin or gj^psum, it serves as a decoration rather
than a covering. Among the Arunta and Luritcha the women usually
wear nothing, but further north a small apron is made and worn."
(Baldwin Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," p.
572.)
Of the Central Australians Stirling says: "Xo sense of shame of
exposure was exhibited by the men on removal of the diminutive articles
worn as conventional coverings; they were taken off coram popiilo,
and bartered without hesitation. On the other hand, some little per-
suasion was necessary to allow inspection of the effect of [urethral]
sub-incision, assent being given only after dismissal to a distance of
the women and young children. As to the women, it was nearly always
observed that when in camp without clotliing they, especially the
younger ones, exhibited by their attitude a keen sense of modesty, if,
indeed, a consciousness of their nakedness can be thus considered.
When we desired to take a photograph of a group of young women,
they were very coy at the proposal to remove their scanty garments,
and retired behind a Mall to do so; but once in a state of nudity they
made no objection to exposure to the camera." ("Report of the Horn
Scientific Expedition," 189G, vol. iv, p. 37.)
In Northern-Queensland "phallocrypts,"' or "penis-concealers," only
used by the males at corrobborees and otlicr public rejoicings, are either
formed of pearl-shell or opossum-string. The Iwnm-pa-ra , or opossum-
string form of phallocrypt, forms a kind of tassel, and is colored red;
it is hung from the waist-belt in the middle line. In both sexes the
privates are only covered on special public occasions or when in close
proximity to white settlements. (Walter Roth, "Ethnological Studies
among the Northwest-Central-Queensland Aborigines," 1897, pp. 114-
115.)
Among the western tribes of Torres Straits, Haddon remarks, the
men are naked, the women wear a tuft of grass or split pandanus-leaves
in front, and passed between the thighs to be fastened to another piece
bcliind, and sometimes, especially for dancing, a short petticoat of shrod
pandanus-leaves over this. (Joiirnnl of the Anthropological Institute,
pp. 3G8, 431, 1890.)
The Papuans of King Wilhelm's Land must not be seen during
coitus; anyone so seen is regarded as imbecile or mad, a special word
being used for this madness. (Schellong. Zeitachrift fiir Ethnologie,
H. 1. p. 18. 1889.)
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. V
In the New Hebrides "the closest secrecy is adopted with regard
to the penis, not at all from a sense of decency, but to avoid Narak,
the sifjJit even of tliat of another man being considered most dangerous.
The natives of this savage island, accordingly, wrap the penis around
with many yards of calico, and other like materials, winding and fold-
ing them until a preposterous bundle 18 inches or 2 feet long and 2
inches or more in diameter is formed, which is then supported upward
by means of a belt, in the extremity decorated with flowering grasses,
etc. The testicles are left naked." There is no other body covering.
(Somerville, Journal of the Anthropological Institute, p. 368, 1894.)
In the Pelew Islands, says Kubary, as quoted by Bastian, it is said
that when the God Irakaderugel and his Avife were creating man and
woman (he forming man and she forming woman), and were at work on
the sexual organs, the god wished to see his consort's handiwork. She,
however, was cross, and persisted in concealing what she had made. Ever
since then women wear an apron of pandanus-leaves and men go naked.
(A. Bastian, "Inselgruppen in Oceanien," p. 112.)
The Maoris, whose cold climate encouraged them to clothe abun-
dantly, saw nothing to be condemned when the girls in public removed
their garments in order to swim. The men always stripped naked for
work or for fighting. (A. Sutherland, "Moral Instinct," vol. i, p. 206.)
In Rotuma, in Polynesia, where the women enjoy much freedom,
but where, at all events in old days, married people were, as a rule,
faithful to each other, "the language is not chaste according to our ideas,
and there is a great deal of freedom in speaking of immoral vices. In
this connection a man and his wife will speak freely to one another
before their friends, and perhaps indulge in a little chaff. I am in-
formed, though, by European traders well conversant with the language,
that there are grades of language, and that certain coarse phrases ^vould
never be used to any decent woman; so that probably, in their way,
they have much modesty, only we cannot appreciate it." (J. Stanley
Gardiner, "The Natives of Rotuma," Jonrnal of the Anthropological
Institute, May, 1898, p. 481.)
In Queensland, also. Roth remarks {op. cit., p. 184), there is both
a decent and an indecent vocabulary: while one word for vulva can be
used in the best aboriginal society, another, meaning the same part, is
considered most ofTensive.
The men of Rotuma, says the same writer, are very clean, the
women also, bathing twice a day in the sea; but "bathing in public
without the Imkiilnga, or sulu [loin-cloth, which is the ordinary dress],
around the waist is absolutely unheard of, and would be much looked
down upon." [Journal of the Anthropological Institute, p. 410, 1898.)
At Tahiti, which was one of the chief centres of Polynesian culture,
nakedness was almost a religious cult. There was a nude funeral dance
10 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
and a nude w eddinfr-dance. On the wedding-dav. also, the marriage was
consummated in the presence of the public. (Tautain, "'Ethnographie
des lies Marquises.'" UAnthrofjologie. p. 546, 1S96.)
In ancient Samoa tlie onlv necessarv grarment for either man or
woman was an apron of leaves, but they possessed so ''delicate a sense
of propriety" that even "while bathing they have a girdle of leaves or
some other covering around the waist."' (Turner, *'Sanloa a Hundred
Years Ago,"' p. 121.)
After babyhood the Indians of Guiana are never seen naked. When
thev change their single garment thev retire. Ihe women wear a little
apron, now generally made of European beads, but the Warraus still
make it of the inner bark of a tree, and some of seeds. (Everard
im Thurn, "Among the Indians of Guiana." 1883.)
The Indians of Central Brazil have no "private parts." In men the
little girdle, or string, surrounding the lower part of the abdomen, hides
nothing: it is worn after puberty, the penis being often raised and
placed beneath it to lengthen the prepuce. The women also use a little
strip of bast that goes down the groin and passes between the thighs.
Among some tribes (Karibs. Tupis. Xu-Arwaks) a little, triangular,
coquettishly-made piece of bark-bast comes just below the mons veneris;
it is only a few centimetres in width, and is called the fihtri. In both
seres cofwralmnit of ihe se.runl mucous inemhraue is attained. These
articles cannot be called clothing. "The red thread of the Trumai. the
elegant uJui'i, and the variegated flag of the Bororo attract attention,
like ornaments, instead of drawing attention away." Von den Steinen
thinks this proceeding a necessary protection against the attacks of
insects, which are often serious in Brazil. He does think, however, that
there is more than this, and tliat the people are ashamed to show the
glans penis. (Karl von den Steinen, "I'nter den Xaturvolkern Zentral-
Brasiliens," Berlin, 1894. pp. 190 et scq.)
Other travelers mention that on the Amazon among some tribes
the women are clothed and the men naked; among others the women
naked and the men clothed. Thus, among the Guaycurus the men are
quite naked, Avhile the women wear a short petticoat: among the
Uaupj'is the men wear a loin-cloth, while the women are quite naked.
"The feeling of modesty is very developed among the Fuegians, who
are accustomed to live naked. They manifest it in their bearing and in
the ease with which they show themselves in a state of nudity, com-
pared with the awkwardness, blushing, and shame which both men and
women exhibit if one gazes at certain parts of their bodies. Among them-
selves this is never done even between husband and wife. There is no
Fuegian word for modesty, perhaps liecause the feeling is universal
among them." The women wear a minute triangular garment of skin
suspended between the thighs and never removed, being merely raised
THE EVOLUTIOX OF MODESTY, 11
during coiijufral relations. (Hyades and Deniker, "Mission Scientifique
on Cap Horn," vol. vii, pp. 23!) and 347.)
Among the Crow Indians of Montana, writes Dr. Holder, wlio has
lived with them for several years, "a sense of modesty forbids the
attendance upon the female in labor of any male, white man or Indian,
physician or layman. This antipathy to receiving assistance at the
hands of the physician is overcome as the tribes progress toward civiliza-
tion, and it is especially noticeable that lialf-breeds almost constantly
seek the physician's aid." Dr. Holder mentions the case of a young
woman who, although brought near the verge of death in a very difficult
first confinement, repeatedly refused to allow him to examine her; at
last she consented; "her modest preparation was to take bits of quilt
and cover thighs and lips of vulva, leaving only the aperture ex-
posed. . . . Their modesty would not be so striking were it not
that, almost to a Moman, the females of this tribe are prostitutes, and
for a consideration will admit the connection of any man." (A. B.
Holder. American Journal of Ohstetrics, vol. xxv, No. 6, 1892.)
"In every North American tribe, from the most northern to the
most southern, the skirt of the woman is longer than that of the men. In
Esquimau land the parka of deerskin and sealskin reaches to the knees.
Throughout Central North America the buckskin dress of the women
reached quite to the ankles. The West-Coast women, from Oregon to
the Gulf of California, More a petticoat of shredded bark, of plaited
grass, or of strings, upon which were strung hundreds of seeds. Even
in the most tropical areas the rule was universal, as anyone can see from
the codices or in pictures of the natives." (Otis T. Mason, "Woman's
Share in Primitive Culture." p. 237.)
Describing the loin-cloth worn by Nicobarese men, Man says:
"From the clumsy mode in which this garment is worn by the Shorn
Pen — necessitating frequent readjustment of the folds — one is led to infer
that its use is not de rigneiir, but reserved for special occasions, as when
receiving or visiting strangers." (E. H. Man, Journal of the Aniliropo-
loiiical Institute, p. 442, 1886.)
Of the Garo women of Bengal Dalton says: "Their sole garment
is a piece of cloth less than a foot in width that just meets around
the loins, and in order that it mav not restrain the limbs it is onlv
fastened where it meets under the hip at the upper corners. The girls
are thus greatly restricted in the positions they may modestly assume,
but decorum is, in their opinion, sufficiently preserved if they only keep
their legs well together when they sit or kneel." (E. T. Dalton, "Eth-
nology- of Bengal," 1872, p. 66.)
Of the Naga women of Assam it is said: "Of clothing there was
not much to see; but in spite of this I doubt whether we could excel
them in true decency and modestv. Ibn ]Muhammed Wali had already
12 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
remarked in his history of the conquest of Assam ^ 1662-63), that the
Xaga women only cover their breasts. They declare that it is absurd
to cover tliose parts of the body which everyone has been able to see
from their births, but that it is different with the breasts, which ap-
peared later, and are, therefore, to be covered. Dalton (Journal of the
Asiatic Society, Bengal, 41. 1. 84) adds that in the presence of strangers
Xaga women simply cross their arms over their breasts, without caring
much what other charms thev mav reveal to the observer. As regards
some clans of the naked Xagas. to whom the Banpara belong, this may
still hold good." (K. Klemra, "Peal's Ausflug nach Banpara," Zeitschrift
fiir Ethni,}(,<]ie, H. 5, p. 334, 1898.)
Mrs. French-Sheldon remarks that the Masai and otlier East
African tribes, with regard to menstruation, "observe the greatest deli-
cacy, and are more than modest." [Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, p. 383, 1894.)
At the same time the Masai, among "whom the penis is of enormous
size, consider it disreputable to conceal that member, and in the highest
degree reputable to display it. even ostentatiously. (Sir H. H. Johnston,
"Kilima-njaro Expedition," p. 413.)
Among the African Dinka, who are scrupulously clean and delicate
(smearing themselves with burnt cows' dung, and washing themselves
daily with cows' urine), and are exquisite cooks, reaching in many
respects a liigher stage of civilization, in Scliweinfurth's opinion, than is
elsewhere attained in Africa, only the women wear aprons. The neigh-
boring tribes of the red soil — Bongo. Mittoo. Xiam-Xiam, etc. — are called
"women" by the Dinka. because among these tribes the men wear an
apron, while the women obstinately refuse to Avear any clothes whatso-
ever of skin or stuff, going into the woods every day. however, to get
a supple bough for a girdle, with, perhaps, a bundle of fine grass.
(Schweinfurth, "Heart of Africa." vol. i. pp. 152, etc.)
Lombroso and Carrara, examining some Dinka negroes brought
from the White Xile. remark : "As to their psychology, what struck us
first of all was the exaggeration of their modesty; not in a single case
would the men allow us to examine their genital organs or the women
their breasts; we examined the tattoo-marks on the chest of one of
the women, and she remained sad and irritable for two days afterward."
They add that in sexual and all other respect-; these people are highly
moral. (Lombroso and Carrara. Archirio di I'sichiatria, vol. xvii, fasc. 4,
1800.)
"The negro is very rarely knowingly indecent or addicted to
lubricity," says Sir H. H. Johnston. "In this land of nudity, which I
have known for seven years. I do not remember once having seen an
indecent gesture on the part of either man or woman, and only very
rarely (and that not among unspoiled savages) in the (■i\<o of that most
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 13
shameless member of the community — the little boy." He adds that the
native dances are only an apparent exception, being serious in character,
though indecent to our eyes, almost constituting a religious ceremony.
The only really indecent dance indigenous to Central Africa "is one
wliich originally represented the act of coition, but it is so altered to a
stereotyped formula that its exact purport is not obvious until explained
somewhat shyly by the natives. ... It may safely be asserted that
the negro race in Central Africa is much more truly modest, is much
more free from real vice, than are most European nations. Neither boys
nor girls wear clothing (unless they are the children of chiefs) until
nearing the age of puberty. Among the Wankonda, practically no cover-
ing is worn by the men except a ring of brass wire around the stomach.
The Wankonda women are likewise almost entirely naked, but generally
cover the pudenda with a tiny bead-work apron, often a piece of very
beautiful workmanship, and exactly resembling the same article worn
by Kaffir women. A like degree of nudity prevails among many of the
Awemba, among the A-lungu, the Batumbuka, and the Angoni. Most
of the Angoni men, however, adopt the Zulu fashion of covering the
glans penis with a small wooden case or the outer shell of a fruit. The
Wa-Yao have a stronsr sense of decencv in matters of this kind, which
is the more curious since they are more given to obscenity in their rites,
ceremonies, and dances than any other tribe. Not only is it extremely
rare to see any Yao uncovered, but both men and women have the
strongest dislike to exposing their persons even to the inspection of a
doctor. The Atonga and many of the A-nyanga p£ople, and all the tribes
west of Nyassa (with the exception possibly of the A-lunda) have not
the Yao regard for decency, and, although they can seldom or ever be
accused of a deliberate intention to expose themselves, the men are
relatively indifferent as to whether their nakedness is or is not con-
cealed, though the women are modest and careful in this respect."
(H. H. Johnston, "British Central Africa," 1897, pp. 408-419.)
In Azimba Land, Central Africa, H. Craw^ford Angus, who has
spent many years in this part of Africa, writes: "It has been my ex-
perience that the more naked the people and the more to us obscene
and shameless their manners and customs, the more moral and strict
they are in the matter of sexual intercourse." He proceeds to give a
description of the clicnsamicali, or initiation ceremony of girls at
puberty, a season of rejoicing when the girl is initiated into all the
secrets of marriage, amid songs and dances referring to the act of
coition. "The whole matter is looked upon as a matter of course, and
not as a thing to be ashamed of or to hide, and, being thus openly
treated of and no secrecy made about it, you find in this tribe that the
Momen are very virtuous. They know from the first all that is to be
known, and cannot see any reason for secrecy concerning natural laws
14 rSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
or the powers and senses that liave been given them from birth."
(Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic, H. 0, p. 479, 1898.)
"The Momen at Upoto wear no clothes whatever, and came up
to us in the most unreserved manner. An interesting gradation in
the arrangement of the female costume has been observed by us: as
we ascended the Congo, the higher up the river we found ourselves, the
higher the dress reached, till it has now , at last, culminated in absolute
nudity." (T. H. Parke, "My Personal Experiences in Equatorial Africa,"
1891, p. 61.)
"There exists throughout the Congo population a marked appre-
ciation of the sentiment of decency and shame as applied to private
actions," says Mr. Herbert Ward. In explanation of the nudity of the
women at Upoto, a chief remarked to Ward that "concealment is food
for the inquisitive." {Journal of the Anthropological Institute, p. 293,
1895.)
In the Gold Coast and surrounding countries complete nudity is
extremely rare except -when circumstances make it desirable; on occa-
sion clothing is abandoned ^\ ith unc-oncern. "I have on several occa-
sions," says Dr. Freeman, "seen women at Accra walk from the beach,
where they have been bathing, across the road to their houses, where
they would proceed to dry themselves, and resume their garments; and
women may not infrequently be seen bathing in pools by the way-side,
conversing quite unconstrainedly with tlieir male acquaintances who
are seated on the bank. The mere unclothed body conveys to their
minds no idea of indecency. Immodesty and indelicacy of manner are
practically unknown." He adds tiiat the excessive zeal of missionaries
in urging their converts to adopt European dress — wliich they are only
too ready to do — is much to be regretted, since the close-fitting thin
garments are really less modest than the loose clothes they replace,
besides being much less cleanly. (R. A. Freeman, "Travels and Life in
Ashanti and Jaman," 1898, p. 379.)
At Loango, says Pechuol-Loesche, "the well-bred nogress likes to
cover her bosom, and is sensitive to critical male eyes; if she meets a
European wlieii without hor overgarment, she instinctively, though not
without coquetry, takes the attitude of the Medicean Venus." Men
and women bathe separately, and hide tliemsclves from each other when
naked. Tlie women also exhibit shame wlicn discovered sui-kling their
babies. (Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic, pp. 27-31. 1878.)
In Algeria, — in Ihe jirox iiiccs of C'oiislaiilinc. in Biskra, oven Aures,
— "among the women especially, not one is restrained by any modesty
in unfastening her girdle to any corner" (when a search was being
made for tattoo-marks on the lower extremities). "Tn s])ite of the
great licentiousness of the manners," the same writer continues, "the
Arab and the Kabyle possess great personal modesty, and witli didiculty
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 15
are persuaded to exhibit the body nude; is it the result of real modesty
or of their inveterate habits of active pederasty? Whatever the cause,
they always hide the sexual organs with their hands or their handker-
chiefs, and are disagreeably affected even by the slightest touch of the
doctor." (Batut, Archives d'Anthropologie Griminelle, January 15, 1893.)
"Moslem modesty," remarks Wellhausen, "was carried to great
lengths, insufficient clothing being forbidden. It was marked even
among the heathen Arabs, as among Semites and old civilizations gener-
ally; we must not be deceived by the occasional examples of immodesty
in individual cases. The Sunna prescribes that a man shall not un-
cover himself even to himself, and shall not wash naked — from fear
of God and of spirits; Job did so, and atoned for it heavily. When
in Arab antiquity grown-up persons showed themselves naked, it was
only under extraordinary circumstances, and to attain unusual ends.
. . . Women when mourning uncovered not only the face and bosom,
but also tore all their garments. The messenger who brought bad
news tore his garments. A mother desiring to bring pressure to bear
on her son took off her clothes. A man to whom vengeance is forbidden
showed his despair and disapproval by uncovering his posterior and
strewing earth on his head, or by raising his garment behind and cover-
ing his head with it. This was done also in fulfilling natural necessi-
ties." (Wellhausen, "Reste Arabischen Heidentums," 1897, pp. 173,
195-96.)
Mantegazza mentions that a Lapland woman refused even for the
sum of 150 francs to allow him to photograph her naked, though the
men placed themseh^es before the camera in. the costume of Adam for
a much smaller sum. In the same book Mantegazza remarks that in
the last century travelers found it extremely difficult to persuade
Samoyed women to show themselves naked. Among the same people,
he says, the newly-married wife must conceal her face from her husband
for two months after marriage, and only then yield to his embraces.
(Mantegazza, "La Donna," cap. iv.)
"The beauty of a Chinese woman," says Dr. Matignon, "resides
largely in her foot. *A foot which is not deformed is a dishonor,' says
a poet. For the husband the foot is more interesting than the face.
Only the husband may see his wife's foot naked. A Chinese woman is
as reticent in showing her feet to a man as a European w^oman her
breasts. I have often had to treat Chinese w'omen with ridiculously
small feet for wounds and excoriations, the result of tight bandaging.
They exhibited the prudishness of school-girls, blushed, turned their
backs to unfasten the bandages, and then concealed the foot in a cloth,
leaving only the affected part uncovered. Modesty is a question of
convention; Chinese have it for their feet." (J. Matignon, "A propos
d'un Pied de Chinoise," Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle, p. 445,
1898.)
16 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
It must be added that Chinese Avomen are said to be extremely
reticent in showing any part of the body; but there is no doubt that
the chief focus of modesty is in their feet. It is only with great diffi-
culty, I am informed, that they can be persuaded to show their feet
even to persons of their own sex, and in their pictures of naked women,
regarded as most indecent, the feet are still surrounded bv a little silk
frill.
"In Japan (Captain tells me) the bathing-place of the women
was perfectly open (the shampooing, indeed, was done by a man), and
Englislimen were offered no obstacle nor excited the least repugnance;
indeed, girls after their bath would freely pass, sometimes as if holding
out their hair for innocent admiration, and this continued until country-
men of ours by vile laughter and jests made them guard themselves
from insult by secrecy. So corruption spreads and heathenism is blacker
by our contact." (Private communication.)
"Speaking once with a Japanese gentleman, I observed that we
considered it an act of indecency for men and women to wash together.
He shrugged his shoulders as he answered: 'But these Westerns have
such prurient minds!'" (Mitford, "Tales of Old Japan," 1871.)
Dr. Carl Davidsohn, who remarks that he had ample opportunity
of noting the great beauty of the Japanese women in national dances,
performed naked, points out that the Japanese have no esthetic sense
for the nude. "This was shown at the Jubilee Exhibition at Kyoto.
Here, among many rooms full of art objects, one was devoted to oil
pictures in the European manner. Among these only one represented a
nude figure, a Psyche, or Truth. It was the first time such a picture
had been seen. Men and women crowded around it. After they had
gazed at it for a time most began to giggle and laugh ; some by their
air and gestures clearly showed their disgust; all found tliat it was
not esthetic to paint a naked woman, though in Nature nakedness was
in no way oflfensive to them. In the middle of the same city, at a
fountain reputed to possess special virtues, men and women will stand
together naked to let the water run over them." (Carl Davidsohn, "Das
Nackte bei den Japanern," Glnhus, No. 10, 1890.)
"Among the Lj'dians, and, indeed, among the barbarians generally,
it is considered a deep disgrace, even for a man, to be seen naked."
(Herodotus, Book I, Chapter X.)
"The simple dress which is now common was first worn in Sparta,
and tliere, more than anywhere else, tlie life of the rich was assimilated
to that of the people. The Laceda'monians, too, were the first who, in
their athletic exercises, stripped naked and rubbed themselves over with
oil. This was not the ancient custom; athletes formerly, even when
they were contending at Olympia, wore girdles about their loins, a
practice which lasted until quite lately, and still persists among bar-
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 17
barians, especially those of Asia, Avhere the combatants at boxing and
wrestling matches wear girdles." (Thueydides, "History," IJook I,
Chapter VI.)
"The notion of the women exercising naked in the schools with
the men ... at the present day would appear truly ridiculous.
, . . Not long since it was thought discreditable and ridiculous
among the Greeks, as it is now among most barbarous nations, for
men to be seen naked. And when the Cretans first, and after them
the Lacedaemonians^, began the practice of gymnastic exercises, the wits
of the time had it in their power to make sport of those novelties.
. . . As for the man who laughs at the idea of undressed women
going through gymnastic exercises, as a means of revealing what is
most perfect, his ridicule is but 'unripe fruit plucked from the tree of
wisdom.'" (Plato, "Republic," Book V.)
According to Plutarch, however, among the Spartans, at all events,
nakedness in women was not ridiculous, since the institutes of Lycurgus
ordained that at solemn feasts and sacrifices the young women should
dance naked and sing, the young men standing around in a circle to
see and hear them. Aristotle says that in his time Spartan girls only
wore a very slight garment. As described by Pausanias, and as shown
by a statue in the Vatican, the ordinary tunic, which was the sole
garment worn by women vrhen running, left bare the right shoulder
and breast, and only reached to the upper third of the thighs. (M. M.
Evans, "Chapters on Greek Dress," p. 34.)
Among the Greeks, who were inclined to accept the doctrines of
Cynicism, it was held that, while shame is not unreasonable, what is
good may be done and discussed before all men. There are a number
of authorities who say that Crates and Hipparchia consummated their
marriage in tlie presence of many spectators. Lactantius (Inst, iii, 15)
says that the practice was common, but this Zeller is inclined to doubt.
(Zeller, "Socrates and the Socratic Schools," translated from the Third
German Edition, 1897.)
"Among the Tyrrhenians, who carry their luxury to an extraor-
dinary pitch, Timseus in his first book relates that the female servants
wait on the men in a state of nudity. And Theopompus. in the forty-
third book of his 'History,' states that it is a law among the Tyr-
rhenians that all their women should be in common; and that the
women pay the greatest attention to their persons, and often practice
gymnastic exercises, naked, among the men, and sometimes with one
another; for that it is not accounted shameful for them to be seen
naked. . . . Nor is it reckoned among the Tyrrhenians at all dis-
graceful either to do or suflFer anything in the open air, or to be seen
while it is going on; for it is quite the custom of their country, and
they are so far from thinking it disgraceful that they even say, when
2
18 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
the master of the house is indulging his appetite, and anyone asks for
him, that he is doing so and so, using the coarsest possible words.
. . . And they are very beautiful, as is natural for people to be who
live delicateh', and who take care of their persons." (Athenaeus, ''Deip-
nosophists," Bohn's translation, vol. iii, p. 830.)
Dennis throws doubt on the foregoing statement of Athenseus re-
garding the Tyrrhenians or Etruscans, and points out • that the repre-
sentations of women in Etruscan tombs show them as clothed, even the
breast being rarely uncovered. Nudity, he remarks, was a Greek, not
an Etruscan, characteristic. "To the nudity of the Spartan women I
need but refer; that Tliessalian women are described by Pers?eus
dancing at banquets naked, or with a very scanty covering {cf.
Athenaeus, xiii, c. 86). The maidens of Chios wrestled naked with the
youth in the gymnasium, which Athenaeus (xiii, 20) pronounces to be
'a beautiful sight.' And at the marriage-feast of Caranus the Mace-
donian women tumblers performed naked before the guests (Athenieus,
iv, 3)."' (G. Dennis, "Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria," 1883, vol. i,
p. 321.)
In the second century the physician Aretaeus, writing at Rome,
remarks: "In many cases, owing to involuntary restraint from modesty
at assemblies, and at banquets, the bladder becomes distended, and
from the consequent loss of its contractile power it no longer evacuates
the urine." ("On the Causes and Symptoms of Acute Diseases," Book
II, Chapter X.)
Apuleius, writing in the second century, says: "Most Avomen. in
order to exhibit their native gracefulness and allurements, divest them-
selves of all their garments and long to show their naked beauty, being
conscious that they shall please more by the rosy redness of their skin
than by the golden splendor of their robes." (Thomas Taylor's trans-
lation of "Metamorphosis," p. 28.)
Christianity seems to have profoundly affected habits of thought
and feeling by uniting together the merely natural emotion of sexual
reserve with, on the one hand, the masculine virtue of modesty — mndestia
— and. on the other, the prescription of sexual abstinence. Tertullian
admirably illustrates this confusion, and his treatises "De Pudicitia" and
"De Cultu Feminarum" are instructive from the present point of view.
In the latter he remarks (Book II, Chapter I) : "Salvation — and not of
women only, but likewise of men — consists in the exhibition principally
of modesty. Since we are all the temple of God, modesty is the sacris-
tan and priestess of that temple, who is to suffer nothing unclean or
profane to enter it. for fear that the God who inhabits it should be
oU'endod. . . . ^lost women, either from simple ignorance or from
dissimulation, have the liardihood so to walk as if modesty consisted
only in tin* int^'grity of the flesh and in turning away from fornication,
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 19
and tlieie were no need for anytliing else, — in dress and ornament, the
studied graces of form, — wearing in their gait the self-same appearance
as the women of the nations from whom the sense of true modesty is
absent."
The earliest Christian ideal of modesty, not long maintained, is
well sliown in an epistle which, there is some reason to suppose, was
written by Clement of Rome. "And if we see it to be requisite to stand
and pray for the sake of the woman, and to speak words of exhortation
and edification, we call the brethren and all the holy' sisters and maidens,
likewise all the other women who are there, with all modesty and becom-
ing behavior to come and feast on the truth. And those among us who
are skilled in speaking speak to them, and exhort tliem in these words
which God has given us. And tlien we pray, and salute one another,
the men the men. But the women and the maidens will wrap their
hands in their garments; we also, with circumspection and with all
purity, our eyes looking upw ard, shall wrap our right hand in our gar-
ments; and then they will come and give us the salutation on our right
hand wrapped in our garments. Then we go where God permits us."
("Two Epistles Concerning Virginity"; Second Epistle, Chapter III,
vol. xiv. Ante-Xicene Christian Library, p. 384.)
"Women will scarce strip naked before their own husbands, affect-
ing a plausible pretence of modesty," writes Clement of Alexandria,
about the end of the second century, "but any others who Avish may
see them at home shut up in their ow n baths, for they are not ashamed
to strip before spectators, as if exposing their persons for sale. The
baths are opened promiscuously to men and women; and there they
strip for licentious indulgence (for, from looking, men get to loving),
as if their modesty had been washed away in the bath. Those who
have not become utterly destitute of modesty shut out strangers, but
bathe with their own servants, and strip naked before their slaves, and
are rubbed by them, giving to the crouching menial liberty to lust, by
permitting fearless handling, for those who are introduced before their
naked mistresses while in the bath study to strip themselves in order to
show' audacity in lust, casting off fear in consequence of the wicked
custom. The ancient athletes, ashamed to exhibit a man naked, pre-
served their modesty by going through the contest in drawers; but
these women, divesting themselves of their modesty along with their
chemise, wish to appear beautiful, but, contrary to their wish, are simply
proved to be wicked." (Clement of Alexandria, "Psedagogus," Book III,
Chapter V. For elucidations of this passage see Migne's "Patrologiae
Cursus Completus," vol. vii. It appears that Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius,
and Severus endeavored to put a stop to promiscuous bathing. It was
forbidden by the early Apostolical Constitutions, but Cyprian found it
necessary to upbraid even virgins vowed to chastity for continuing the
20 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
custom. In Rudeek's "Geschichte der offentliclien Sittlichkeit in Deutsch-
land" an interesting chapter, with contemporary illustrations, is devoted
to the custom of men and women bathing together naked, a custom
preserved in Europe, at least to the end of the last century.)
"\Yomen,'' says Clement again, "should not seek to be graceful by
avoiding broad drinking vessels that oblige them to stretch their mouths,
in order to drink from narrow alabastra that cause them indecently
to throw back the head, revealing to men their necks and breasts. The
mere thought of what she is ought to inspire a woman with modesty.
. . . On no account must a woman be permitted to show to a man
any portion of her body naked, for fear lest both fall: the one by
gazing eagerly, the other by delighting to attract those eager glances."
("Peedagogus." Book II, Chapter V.)
In the Gnostic "Judas Thomas's Acts" we are told how a bride,
a kings daughter, and her bridegroom were converted by an apparition
of the Lord in the bridal chamber, and passed the night in continence.
"And in the morning when it was dawn the king had the table furnished
early and brought in before the bridegroom and bride. And he found
them sitting the one opposite the other, and the face of the bride was
uncovered, she was sitting, and the bridegroom was very cheerful. The
mother of the bride saith to her: 'Why art thou sitting thus, and art
not ashamed, but art as if, lo, thou wert married a long time, and for
many a day?' And her father, too, said: 'Is it thy great love for thy
husband that prevents thee from even veiling thyself?' And the bride
answered and said: 'Truly, my father, I am in great love, and am
praying to my Lord that I may continue in this love which I have
experienced this night. I am not veiled, because the veil of corruption
is taken from me, and I am not ashamed, because the deed of shame
has been removed far from me.'" (Wright. "Apocryphal Acts," from
the Syriac.)
James, Bishop of Nisibis, in the fourth century, was a man of great
holiness. We are told by Thedoret that once, when James had newly
come into Persia, it was vouchsafed to him to perform a miracle under
the following circumstances: He chanced to pass by a fountain where
young women were washing their linen, and, his modesty being ])ro-
foundly shocked by the exposure involved in this occupation, he cursed
the fountain, which instantly dried up, and he changed the hair of the
girls from black to a sandy color. (Jortin, "Remarks on Ecclesiastical
History," vol. iii, j). 4.)
Procopius, writing in the sixth century after Christ, and narrating
how the ]<]jn])ress Theodora in early life would often apj)(>ar almost
naked before the public in the theatre, adds that she would willingly
hav(! appeared altogether nude, but that "no woman is allowed to ex-
pose herself altogetlier unless she wears at least sliort drawers over the
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 21
lower part of the abdomen." It is said that this is the first reference
to this theatrical garment, which thus replaced complete nudity by
"an innovation of Byzantine decadence." I maj^ add, however, that
there were certainly earlier attempts to abolish the public exhibition
of feminine nakedness. Male athletes were entirely naked, but Chrysos-
tom mentions, at the end of the fourth century, that Arcadius attempted
to put down the August festival [Majuma], during which women ap-
peared naked in the theatres or swimming in large baths.
"In the years 1450-70 the use of the cod-piece was introduced,
whereby the attributes of manhood were accentuated in the most
shameless manner. It was, in fact, the avow-ed aim at that period to
attract attention to these parts. The cod-piece was sometimes colored
differently from the rest of the garments, often stuffed out to enlarge
it artificially, and decorated with ribbons." (Rudeck, "Geschichte der
offentlichen Sittlichkeit in Deutschland," pp. 45-48. Groos refers to the
significance of this fashion, "Spiele der Menschen," p. 337.)
"The shirt first began to be worn [in Germany] in the sixteenth
century. From this fact, as ^\e\\ as from the custom of public bathing,
Ave reach the remarkable result that for the German people the sight
of complete nakedness was the daily rule up to the sixteenth century.
Everyone undressed completely before going to bed, and in the vapor-
baths no covering was used. Again, the dances, both of the peasants
and the townspeople, were characterized by very high leaps into the
air. It was the chief delight of the dancers for the male to raise his
partner as high as possible in the air so that her dress flew up. That
feminine modesty was in this respect very indifferent we know from
countless references made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It
must not be forgotten that throughout the middle ages women w^ore
no underclothes, and even in the seventeenth century the wearing of
drawers by Italian women was regarded as singular. That with the dis-
appearance of the baths and the use of body-linen a powerful influence
was exerted on the creation of modesty there can be little doubt."
(Rudeck, "Geschichte der offentlichen Sittlichkeit in Deutschland," pp.
57, 399, etc.)
"It was at the epoch when Calvinism began to flourish that the
nude Avas first proscribed from custom, and took refuge in art, which
alone preserved the tradition of it. Formerly, as still in the days of
Charles Y, there Avas no public festival without a scheme of beautiful
naked girls [it should be added that these were usually prostitutes] ;
nakedness was so little feared that adulterous women were led naked
through the streets, and there can be no doubt that in the Mysteries
such parts as those of Adam and Eve were played by persons who were
without the hideous luxury of tights." (Remy de Gourmont, "Le Livre
des Masques," p. 184.)
22 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
"At Cork," says Fynes Moryson. in 1617. "'I have seen with these
eves vouno^ maids stark naked o[rindinsr corn with certain stones to
make cakes thereof.' (Moryson, 'Itinerary,"' Part 3, Book III, Chap-
ter V.)
"In the more remote parts of Ireland." ^loryson elsewhere says,
where the English laws and manners are unknown, "the very chief
of the Irish, men as well as women, go naked in very winter-time,
only having their privy parts covered with a rag of linen and their
bodies with a loose mantle. This I speak of my own experience." He
goes on to tell of a Bohemian baron, just come from the Xorth of Ire-
land, who "told me in great earnestness that he. comincj to the house
of Ocane, a great lord among them, was met at the door with sixteen
women, all naked excepting their loose mantles; whereof eight or ten
were very fair, and two seemed very nymphs, with which strange sight,
his eyes being dazzled, they led him into the house, and then sitting
down by the fire with crossed legs like tailors, and so low as could
not but offend chaste eyes, desired him to set down with them. Soon
after Ocane. the lord of the country, came in, all naked excepting a
loose mantle, and shoes, which he put off as soon as he came in. and
entertaining the baron after his best manner in the Latin tongue, desired
him to put off his apparel, which he thought to be a burthen to him,
and to sit naked by the fire with this naked company. But the
baron . . . for shame durst not put off his apparel." (Part 3, Book
IV, Chapter II.)
Coryat, when traveling in Italy in the early part of the seven-
teenth century, found that in Lombardy many of the women and chil-
dren wore only smocks, or shirts, in the hot weather. At Venice and
Padua he found that wives, widows, and maids walk with naked
breasts, manv with backs also naked, almost to the middle. (Corvat,
"Crudities." IGll. The fashion of dccolletr garments, it may be re-
marked, only begun in the fourteenth century: previously, the women
of Europe generally covered themselves up to the neck.)
In northern Italy, some years ago. a fire occurred at night in a
house in which two girls were sleeping, naked, according to the custom.
One threw herself out and Mas saved, the other returned for a garment,
and was burnt to death. The narrator of the incident fa man] ex-
pressed strong approval of the more modest girl's action. (Private com-
munication.)
Lady Mary Wortley Montague writes in 1717 of the Turkish ladies
at the baths at Sophia: "The first sofas were covered with cushions
and rich carpets, on which sat the ladies, and on the second, their slaves
behind them, but without any distinction of rank in their dress, all
being in a state of Nature; that is, in plain English, stark naked,
without anv beautv or defect concealed. Yet there was not the least
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 23
\vanton smile or immodest gesture among tliem. They walked and
moved with the same majestic grace which Milton describes of our
general motlier. I am here convinced of the truth of a reflection I had
often made, that if it was the fashion to go naked the face would be
hardly observed." ("Letters and Works," 18CG, vol. i, p. 285.)
Edwards, describing a stay among Brazilians in the Para province,
says: "The Senhora Henriquez made a little picnic party for our enter-
tainment, which passed off delightfully, and much as such a party
would have done at home. But there was one feature that distinguished
it from any pleasure-party I ever participated in amid civilization and
refinement, and that was the bathing at the fiiiale. In this there was
little fastidiousness, although perfect decorum. While the gentlemen
were in the water, the ladies upon the bank were applauding, criticising,
and comparing styles, for there were almost as many nations of us as
individuals; and when, in their turns, they darted through the water,
or dived, like streaks of light, to the very bottom, they were in nowise
distressed that we scrupled not at the same privilege. They were all
practiced and graceful swimmers, but the senhora particularly, — as she
rose with her long hair, long enough to sweep the ground when walking,
enshrouding her in its silken folds, — might have been taken for the
living, new-world Venus. We never saw, as some have asserted is the
case, both sexes promiscuously in the water. (W. H. Edwards, "A
Voyage up the River Amazon," Chapter XV, 1846.)
Taine points out that it was in France during the eighteenth cent-
ury that the idea developed that modesty, like dress, is a convention.
He refers to Mme. d'Epinay's "Memoirs" and the conversation between
Duclos and Saint-Lambert at Mile. Quinault's; also to Rousseau's
"Confessions," Part 1, Book V, and the principles taught by M. de Tavel
to Mme. de Warens [the latter reference is, however, scarcely to the
point, since de Tavel's principles seem to have hjsen merely professed in
order to seduce Mme. de Warens]. (Taine, "Les Origines," tome i,
"L'Ancien Regime." I may also refer to Diderot's "Supplement au
Voyage de Bougainville.")
Mary Wollstonecraft quotes the following remarks: "The lady
who asked the question whether women may be instructed in the
modern system of botany was accused of ridiculous prudery; neverthe-
less, if she had proposed the question to me, I should certainly have
answered: 'They cannot!'" She further quotes from an educational
book: "It would be needless to caution you against putting your hand,
by chance, under your neck-handkerchief; for a modest woman never
did so." (Mary Wollstonecraft, "The Rights of Woman," 1792, pp. 277,
289.)
In the present century a knowledge of the physiology of plants
is not usually considered inconsistent with modesty, but a knowledge
24 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
of animal physiology is still so considered by many. Dr. H. R. Hopkins,
of New York, wrote in 1895 regarding the teaching of physiology: '*How
can we teach growing girls the functions of the various parts of the
human body and still leave them their modesty? That is the practical
question that has puzzled me for years."
In England tlie use of drawers was almost unknown half a century
ago, and was considered immodest and unfeminine. Tilt, a distinguished
gynecologist of that period, advocated such garments, made of fine
calico and not to descend below the knee, on hygienic grounds. "Thus
understood," he added, "the adoption of drawers will doubtless become
more general in this country, as, being worn without the knowledge of
the general observer, they will be robbed of the prejudice usually at-
tached to an appendage deemed masculine." (Tilt, "Elements of Health,"
1852, p. 193.)
Prof. Irving Rosse, of Washington, refers to "Xew England pru-
dishness," and "the colossal modesty of some Xew York policemen, who
in certain cases want to give written rather than oral testimony." He
adds: "I have known this sentiment carried to sucli an extent in a
Massachusetts small town that a shop-keeper was obliged to drape a
small, but innocent, statuette displayed in his window." (Irving Rosse,
Viiginia Medical iJonthly, October, 1892.) I am told that popular feel-
ing in Soutli Africa would not permit the exhibition of the nude in the
Art Collections of Cape Town.
An American physician, Dr. Green, referring to the modesty of
women who refuse to submit to rectal examination, remarks: "This
feeling does not prevail exclusively among women, but men also some-
times declare themselves averse to any such procedure. On one occa-
sion a prominent Western physician, who had suffered several years from
a painful rectal trouble, continued to endure the disease because of the
great repugnance he always had felt even for an ordinary examination.
Patients in dispensary practice often run the gauntlet of rigid exami-
nation in almost every department, and yet harbor distressing and even
dangerous diseases rather than submit to rectal examination." {Medical
standard, 189G.)
Recently (1898) it was stated that the Pliiladelphia Jjidica' Home
•Jonrmil had decided to avoid, in future, all reference to ladies' under-
linen because "the treatment of this subject in print calls for minutim
of detail which is extremely and T)ardonablv offensive to refined and
sensitive women."
Lombroso and Ferrero mention, as noteworthy, that "strange,
vicarious form of modesty observed in many prostitutes who are
ashamed to be examined in the sexual organs when not clean, or during
the montlily ])eriods, displaying sometimes in this respect a resistance
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 25
greater than that ofTered by the modesty of respectable women." (Lom-
broso e Ferrero, "La Donna Delinquente," p. 540.)
With reference to the advice given by an authority on midwifery
regarding the washing of the external genitals before childbirth, a doctor
writes to a medical journal: "No doubt this is necessary, and might be
done with an educated person; but as we descend the social scale, it is
astonishing to find the great amount of mock modesty, and I am afraid
few women would allow themselves to be exposed as Dr. Jardine advo-
cates. I remember one case in which the woman was so hypersensitive
that it M as with the greatest difficulty that I was even allowed to make
a digital examination under the clothes. [It is, however, unreasonable
in this connection to speak of viock modesty.] {Bintish Medical Journal,
September 24, 1898.)
"A man, married twenty years, told me that he had never seen
his wife entirely nude. Such concealment of the external reproductive
organs by married people appears to be common. Judging from my
own inquiry, very few women care to look upon male nakedness, and
many women, though not wanting in esthetic feeling, find no beauty
in man's form. Some are positively repelled by the sight of nakedness,
even that of a husband or lover. On the contrary, most men delight in
gazing upon the uncovered figure of women. It seems that only highly-
cultivated and imaginative women enjoy the spectacle of a finely-shaped
nude man (especially after attending art-classes and drawing from the
nude, as I am told by a lady artist). Or else the majority of women
dissemble their curiosity or admiration. A woman of seventy, mother
of several children, said to a young wife with whom I am acquainted:
'I have never seen a naked man in my life.' This old lady's sister
confessed that she had never looked at licr o\cn nakedness in the whole
course of her life. She said that it 'frightened' her. She was the mother
of three sons. A maiden woman of the same family told her niece that
women were 'disgusting because they have monthly discharges.' Tlie
niece suggested that women have no choice in the matter, to which the
aunt replied: 'I know that; but it doesn't make them less disgusting.'
I have heard of a girl who died from hemorrhage of the womb, refusing,
through shame, to make the ailment kno^\ n to her family. The misery
suflfered by some women at the anticipation of a medical examination
appears to be very acute. Husbands have told me of brides who sob
and tremble with fright on the wedding-night, the hysteria being some-
times alarming. E., aged 25, refused her husband for six weeks after
marriage, exhibiting the greatest fear of his approach. Ignorance of
the nature of the sexual connection is often the cause of exaggerated
alarm. In Jersey I used to hear of a bride who ran to the window and
screamed 'murder' on the wedding-night." (Private communication.)
At the present day it is not regarded as incompatible with modesty
26 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
to exhibit the lower part of the thigh when in swimming costume, but
it is immodest to exhibit the upper part of the thigh. In swimming
competitions a minimum of clothing must be combined with the demands
of modesty. The regulations of the Swimming Clubs aflBliated to the
Amateur Swimming Association require that the male swimmer's cos-
tume shall extend not less than eight inches from the bifurcation down-
ward, and that tlie female swimmer's costume shall extend to within
not more than three inches from the knee. (A prolonged discussion, we
are told, arose as to whether the costume should come to one, two, or
three inches from the knee, and the proposal of the youngest lady swim-
mer present, that the costume ought to be very scanty, met with little
approval.) The modesty of women is thus seen to be greater than that
of men by, roughly speaking, about two inches. The same difference
may be seen in the sleeves: the male sleeve must extend for two inches,
the female sleeve four inches, down the arm. (Daily papers, September
26, 1898.)
"At , bathing in a state of Nature was dr vlfjueiir for the
elite of the bathers, while our Sunday visitors from the slums frequently
made a great point of wearing bathing costumes; it was frequently
noticed that those who were most anxious to avoid exposing their per-
sons were distinguished by the foulness of their language. My impression
was that their foul-mindedness deprived them of the consciousness of
safety from coarse jests. If I were bathing alone among blackguards I
should probably feel uncomfortable myself if without costume.*' (Private
communication. )
"A woman mentioned to me that a man came to her and told her
in confidence his distress of mind: he feared he had corrupted his wife
because she got into a bath in his presence with her baby, and enjoyed
his looking at her splashing about. He was deeply distressed, thinking
he must have done her harm and destroyed her modesty. The woman
to whom this ^^as said felt naturally indignant, but also it gave her
the feeling as if every man may secretly despise a woman for the very
things he teaches her, and only meets her confiding delight with regret
or dislike." (Private communication.)
In a study of one hundred and twenty-five American high-school
girls Dr. ITelrn Kennedy refers to the "modesty" which makes it im-
possible even for mothers and daughters to speak to each other con-
cerning the menstrual functions. "Thirty-six girls in this high-school
passed into womanhood with no knowledge whatever, from a proper
source, of all that makes them women. Thirty-nine were probably not
much wiser, for tliey stated that they had received some instruction,
hut had not talked freely on the matter. From the fact that the curious
girl did not talk freely on what naturally interested her. it is possible
she was put off with a few words as to personal care, and a reprimand
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 27
for her curiosity. Less than half of the girls felt free to talk with their
mothers of this most important matter!" (Helen Kennedy, "Eifects of
Higli-sehool Work upon Girls during Adolescence," Pcd(ujo(jical Semi-
nary, June, 189G.)
Much the same was true of PZngland some years earlier, if not now.
Thus, Tilt, Avriting in 1852 ("Elements of Health and Principles of
Female Hygiene," p. 183), stated tliat from a statistical inquiry regard-
ing the onset of menstruation in nearly 1000 women he found that "25
per cent, were totally unprepared for its appearance; that 13 out of
the 25 were much frightened, screamed, or went into hysterical fits;
and that 6 out of the 13 thought themselves wounded and washed with
cold water. Of tliose frightened . . . the general health was seri-
ously impaired."
The foregoing selection of facts might, of course, be indefinitely
enlarged, since I have not generally quoted from any previous collection
of facts bearing on the question of modesty. Such collections may be
found in Ploss and Max Bartels "Das Weib," a work that is constantly
appearing in new and enlarged editions; Herbert Spencer, "Descriptive
Sociology" (especially under such headings as "Clothing," "Moral Senti-
ments," and ".^'^sthetic Products") : Rudeck, "Geschichte der offentlichen
Sittlichkeit" passim; Ahvin Schultz, "Das hofische Leben zur Zeit der
^linnesinger," B. 1; A. Franklin, "Vie Privee d'Autrefois," especially
volume on "Hygiene," appendixes ; ]\Iantegazza, "Amori degli Uomini,"
Chapter II; Westermarck, "Marriage," Chapter IX; Peschel, "Races of
Man," pp. 171 et srq.; Letourneau, "L'Evolution de la Morale," p. 12G
€t seq.; G. Mortimer, "Chapters on Human Love," Chapter IV; and in
the general anthropological works of "Waitz-Gerland, Ratzcl, and others.
That modesty — like all the closeh'-allied emotions — is based
on fear, one of the most primitive of the emotions, seems to be
fairly evident.^ The association of modesty and fear is even
a very ancient observation, and is found in the fragments of
Epicharmus. Modesty is, indeed, an agglomeration of fears,
especially, as I hope to show, of two important and distinct
fears: one of much earlier than human origin, and supplied
solely by the female; the other of more distinctly human char-
acter, and of social, rather than sexual, origin.
A child left to itself, though very bashful, is wholly devoid
^ Fliess ("Die Beziehungen zwischen Xase und weiblichen Gesch-
lechts-Organen," p. 194) remarks on the fact that, in the Bible narrative
of Eden, shame and fear are represented as being brought into tlie world
together: Adam feared God because he was naked.
28 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
of modesty.^ Everyone is familiar with the shocking inconven-
ances of children in speech and act, with the charming ways in
which they innocently disregard the conventions of modesty
their elders thrust upon them, or, even when anxious to carry
them out, wholly miss the point at issue: as when a child thinks
that to put a little garment round the neck satisfies the demands
of modesty. Under civilized conditions the convention of mod-
esty long precedes its real development. It may fairly be said
that this takes place at the advent of puberty.- We may admit,
with Perez, one of the very few writers who touch on the evolu-
tion of this emotion, that modesty may appear at a very early
age if sexual desire appears early.^ "We should not, however, be
justified in asserting that on this account modesty is a purely-
sexual phenomenon. The social impulses also develop about
pubert}^, and to that coincidence the compound nature of the
emotion of modesty may well be largely due.
The sexual factor is, however, the simplest and most primi-
tive element of modesty, and may, therefore, be mentioned first.
Anyone who watches a bitch, not in heat, when approached by a
dog with tail wagging gallantly, may see the beginnings of mod-
esty. When the dog's attentions become a little too marked, the
bitch squats firmly down on the front legs and hind quarters.
She assumes, that is to say, an attitude which is exactly equiva-
lent to that which in the human race is typified by the classical
example of womanly modesty in the Medicean Venus, who with-
draws the pelvis, at the same time holding one hand to guard
the pubes, the other to guard the breasts. "^ The essential exprcs-
^ Bashfulness in children has been dealt with by Professor Baldwin;
see especially his "^Mental Development in the Child and the Race,"
Chapter VI, pp. 140 et .saj., and "Social Interpretations in ^Mental De-
velopment," Chapter VI.
-Professor Starbuck ("Psychology of Religion," Chapter XXX)
refers to unpublished investigation showing that recognition of the rights
of others also exhibits a sudden increment at the age of i)\iberty.
2 Perez, "L'Knfant de Trois iV Sept Ans." 1886, pp. 207-277. In the
same ])assage Perez, has some interesting and suggestive remarks pointing
out tlie natural basis of the love of the obscene.
* It must be remembered that the Medicean Venus is merely a com-
7»aratively recent and familiar embodiment of a natural attitude, which
is very ancient, and had impressed sculptors at a far earlier period.
THE EVOLUTION OE MODESTY. 29
sion in each case is that of an intention to defend the sexual
centres against the iindesired advances of the male. This is so
obvions — though not, I think, generally recognized — that it
seems needless to insist upon it. The sexual modesty of the
female animal is rooted in the sexual periodicity of the female,
and is an involuntary expression of the organic fact that the
time for love is not now. Inasmuch as this fact is true of the
greater part of the lives of all female animals below man, the
expression itself becomes so habitual that it even intrudes at
those moments when it has ceased to be in place. "We may see
this again illustrated in the bitch, who, when in heat, herself
runs after the male, and again turns to flee, perhaps only sub-
mitting with much persuasion to his embrace. Thus, modesty
becomes something more than a mere refusal of the male; it
becomes an invitation to the male, and is mixed up with his
ideas of what is sexually desirable in the female. This would
alone serve to account for the existence of modesty as a psychical
secondary sexual character. In this sense, and in this sense only,
we may say, with Colin Scott, that "the feeling of shame is made
to be overcome." The sexual modesty of the female is thus an
inevitable by-product of the naturally aggressive attitude of the
male in sexual relationships and the naturally defensive attitude
of the female, this again being founded on the fact that, while
— in man and the species allied to him — the sexual function in
the female is periodic, and during most of life a function to be
guarded from the opposite sex, in the male it rarely or never
needs to be so guarded.^
Reinach. indeed, believes ("La Sculpture en Europe," L'Anthropologie,
Xo. 5, 1895) that the hand Avas first brought to the breast to press out
the milk, and expresses the idea of exuberance, and that the attitude
of the Venus of Medici as a symbol of modesty came later; he remarks
that, as regards both hands, this attitude may be found in a figurine of
Cyprus 2000 years before Christ. This is, no doubt, correct, and I may
add that Babylonian figurines of Ishtar, the goddess of fertility, repre-
sent her as clasping her hands to her breasts or her womb.
^ I do not hereby mean to deny a certain degree of normal periodicity
even to the human male; but such periodicity scarcely involves any
element of sexual fear or attitude of sexual defence, in man because it is
too slight to involve complete latency of the sexual functions, in other
species because latency of sexual function in the male is always accom-
panied by corresponding latency in the female.
30 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
It is on this fundamental sexual factor of modesty, existing in a
\\ ell-marked form even among animals, that coquetry is founded. I am
glad to find myself on this point in agreement with Professor Groos, who,
in his elaborate study of the play-instinct, has reached the same con-
clusion. So far from being the mere heartless play by which a woman
shows her power over a man, Groos points out that coquetry possesses
"high biological and psychological significance," being rooted in the
antagonism between the sexual instinct and inborn modesty. He refers
to the roe, who runs away from the stag — but in a circle. (Groos, "Die
Spiele der Menschen," 1899, p. 339; also the same author's "Die Spiele
der Thiere," pp. 288 ct scq.)
This fundamental animal factor of modesty, rooted in the
natural facts of the sexual life of the higher mammals, and
especially man, obviously will not explain all the phenomena of
modesty; it fails to account for ornament and clothing, and it
scarcely appears to furnish an adequate basis for modesty in the
male. For this we must, in large part at least, turn to the other
great primary element of modesty, the social factor.
We cannot doubt that one of the most primitive and uni-
versal of the social characteristics of man is an aptitude for
disgust, founded, as it is, on a yet more primitive and animal
aptitude for disgust, which has little or no social significance.
In nearly all races, even the most savage, we seem to find distinct
traces of this aptitude for disgust in the presence of certain
actions of others, an emotion naturally reflected in the indi-
vidual's own actions, and hence a guide to conduct. Notwith-
standing our gastric community of disgust with lower animals,
it is onlv in man that this dis^just seems to become transformed
and developed, to possess a distinctly social character, and to
serve as a guide to social conduct. The objects of disgust vary
infinitely according to the circumstances and habits of particular
races, but the reaction of disgust is fundamental throughout.
The best study of the phenomena of disgust known to me is,
without doubt, Professor Eichet's.^ Pichet concludes that it is
^ r. Tlichet. "Les Causes du D^goHt." T/TTomme ot rintclligcncc.
1884. This cminont pliysiologisfs elaborate study of disgust was not
written as a contribution to the psychology of modesty, but it forms
an admirable inlroduction to the investigation of the social factor of
modest V.
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 31
the dangerous and the useless which evoke disgust. The digestive
and sexual excretions and secretions, being either useless or, in
accordance with wide-spread primitive ideas, highly dangerous,
the genito-anal region became a concentrated focus of disgust.^
It is for this reason, no doubt, that savage men exhibit modesty,
not only toward women, but toward their own sex, and that so
many of the lowest savages take great precautions in obtaining
seclusion for the fulfillment of natural functions. The state-
ment now so often made that the primary object of clothes is
to accentuate rather than to conceal has in it — as I shall point
out later — a large element of truth, but it is by no means a
complete account of the matter. It seems difficult not to admit
that, alongside the impulse to accentuate sexual differences,
there is also in both men and women a genuine impulse to con-
cealment among the most primitive peoples, and the invincible
repugnance often felt by savages to remove the girdle or apron
is scarcely accounted for by the theory that it is a sexual lure.
In this connection it seems to me instructive to consider a
special form of modesty very strongly marked among savages
in some parts of the world. I refer to the feeling of immodesty
in eating. Where this feeling exists, modesty is offended when
one eats in public; the modest man retires to eat. Indecency,
said Cook, was utterly unknown among the Tahitians; but they
would not eat together; even brothers and sisters had their
separate baskets of provisions, and generally sat some yards
apart, with their backs to each other, when they ate.- The
' It is interesting to note that where, as among the Esquimaux, urine,
for instance, is preserved as a highly-valuable commodity, the act of
urination, even at table, is not regarded as in the slightest degree dis-
gusting or immodest; Bourke ("Scatologic Rites") mentions that it is
frequently the duty of the host's daughter to attend the needs of guests
in this respect during meals.
^Crawley (Journal of the Anthropological Institute, May, 1895,
p. 439) gives numerous other instances, even in Europe, with, however,
special reference to sexual taboo. I may remark that English people of
lower class, especially women, are often modest about eating in the
presence of people of iiigher class. This feeling is. no doubt, due, in part,
to the consciousness of defective etiquette, but that very consciousness
is, in part, a development of the fear of causing disgust, which is a com-
ponent of modesty.
32 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Warrua of Central Africa, Cameron found, when offered a drink,
put up a cloth before their faces while they swallowed it, and
would not allow anyone to see them eat or drink; so that every
man or woman must have his own fire and cook for himself.^
Karl von den Steinen remarks, in his interesting book on Brazil,
that, though the Bakairi of Central Brazil have no feeling of
shame about nakedness, they are ashamed to eat in public; they
retire to eat, and hung their heads in shame-faced confusion
when they saw him innocently eat in public. Hrolf Vaughan
Stevens found that, when he gave an Orang-Laut (Malay) woman
anything to eat, she not only would not eat if her husband were
present, but if any man were present she would go outside
before eating or giving her children to eat.- Thus among these
peoples the act of eating in public produces the same feelings
as among ourselves the indecent exposure of the body in public.
It is quite easy to understand how this arises. Whenever
there is any pressure on the means of subsistence, as among
savages at some time or another there nearly always is, it must
necessarily arouse a profound emotion of anger and disgust to
see another person putting into his stomach what one might just
as well have put into one's own. The special secrecy sometimes
observed by women is probably due to the fact that women
would be less able to resist the emotions that the act of eating
would arouse in onlookers. As social feeling develops, a man
desires not only to eat in safety, but also to avoid being an
object of disgust, and to spare his friends all unpleasant emo-
tions. Hence it becomes a requirement of ordinary decency to
eat in private. A man who eats in public becomes — like the
man who in our cities exposes his person in public — an object
of disgust and contempt.
Long ago, when a hospital student on midwifery duty in
London slums, T had occasion to observe that among the women
of the poor, and more especially in those who had lost the first
bloom of youth, morlosty consisted chiefly in the fear of being
' Journal of iho Anthropological Institute, vol. vi, p. 173.
■^ Stevons, "Mitthoilungen aus dem Frauonleben dor Oranj; Bolen-
das," Zoitsehrift fiir Ktlmologie, II. 4, p. 107, 189C.
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 33
disgusting. There was almost a pathetic anxiety, in the face
of pain and discomfort, not to be disgusting in the doctor's
eyes. This anxiety expressed itself in the ordinary symptoms
of modesty. But, as soon as the woman realized that I found
nothing disgusting in whatever was proper and necessary to be
done under the circumstances, it almost invariably happened
that every sign of modesty at once disappeared. In the special
and elementary conditions of parturition, modesty is reduced to
this one fear of causing disgust; so that, when that is negated,
the emotion is non-existent, and the subject becomes, without
effort, as direct and natural as a little child. A fellow-student
on similar duty, who also discovered for himself the same char-
acter of modesty — that if he was careful to guard her modesty
the woman was careful also, and that if he was not the woman
was not — remarked on it to me with sadness; it seemed to him
derogatory to womanhood that what he had been accustomed
to consider its supreme grace should be so superficial that he
could at will set limits to it.^ I thought then, as I think still,
^ We neither of us knew that we had merely made afresh a very
ancient discovery. Casanova, a century ago, quoted the remark of a
friend of his, that the easiest way to overcome the modesty of a Avoman
is to suppose it non-existent; and he adds a saying, which he attributes
to Clement of Alexandria, that modesty, which seems so much more
deeply rooted in women, only resides in the linen that covers them, and
vanishes when it vanishes. The passage to which Casanova referred oc-
curs in the "Paedagogus," and has already been quoted. The same
observation seems to have appealed strongly to the Fathers, always
glad to make a point against women, and I have met with it in Cyprian's
"De Habitu Feminarum." It also ocgurs in Jerome's treatise against
Jovinian. Jerome, with more scholarly instinct, rightly presents the
remark as a quotation: "Scrihit Herodotus quod mulier cum vcste
deponat et verecnndiam." In Herodotus the saying is attributed to
Gyges (Book I, Chapter VIII). We may thus trace very far back into
antiquity an observation which in English has received its classical ex-
pression from Chaucer, who in his "Wife of Bath's Prologue" has: —
"He sayde, a woman cast hir shame away,
When she cast of hir smok."
I need not point out that the analysis of modesty offered above
robs this venerable saying of any sting it may have possessed as a slur
upon women. In such a case modesty is largely a doubt as to the spec-
tator's attitude, and necessarily disappears when that doubt is satisfac-
torily resolved. As we have seen, the Central Australian maidens were
very modest with regard to the removal of their single garment, but
Avhen that removal was accomplished and accepted they were fearless.
3
34 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
that that was rather a perversion of the matter, and that noth-
ing becomes degrading because we happen to have learned some-
thing about its operations. But I am more convinced than ever
that the fear of causing disgust — a fear quite distinct from that
of losing a sexual lure or .breaking a rule of social etiquette —
plays a very large part in the modesty of the more modest sex,
and in modestv o^enerallv. Our Yenuses, as Lucretius lono^ since
remarked and Montaigne after him, are careful to conceal from
their lovers the viice postscenia, and that fantastic fate which
placed so near together the supreme foci of physical attraction
and ph3'sical repugnance has immensely contributed to build up
all the subtlest coquetries of courtship. Whatever stimulates
self-confidence and lulls the fear of evoking disgust — whether
it is the presence of a beloved person in whose good opinion
complete confidence is felt, or whether it is merely the grosser
narcotizing influence of a slight degree of intoxication — always
automatically lulls the emotion of modesty.^ Together with the
animal factor of sexual refusal, this social fear of evoking dis-
gust seems to me the most fundamental element in modesty.
It i?, of course, impossible to argue that the fact of the
sacro-pubic region of the body being the chief focus of conceal-
ment proves the importance of this factor of modesty. But it
may fairly be argued that it owes this position not merely to
being the sexual centre, but also as being the excretory centre.
Even among many lower mammals, as well as among birds and
insects, there is a well-marked horror of dirt, somewhat dis-
guised by the varying wa3's in which an animal may be said to
define "dirt." Many animals spend more time and energy in
the duties of cleanliness than human beings, and they often
show well-marked anxiety to remove their own excrement, or
to keep away from it.- Thus this element of modesty also may
be said to have an animnl basis.
* Tlio same result occurs more markedly under the deadening: influ-
ence of insanity. Griinaldi ("Tl "Nranicoinio '^Foderno," 1888) found that
modesty is lacking in oO por cent, of the insane.
- For some facts bearinp: on this point, see Houssay, "Industries of
Animals." Chaiiter VTT. "The Defence and Sanitation of Dwellings"; also
P. Ballion, "I)e I'lnstinct de Projjreti' chez les Animau.x."
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 35
It is on this animal basis that the human and social fear of
arousing disgust has developed. Its probably wide extension is
indicated not only by the strong feeling attached to the constant
presence of clothing on this part of the body — such constant
presence being quite uncalled for if the garment or ornament
is merely a sort of sexual war-paint — but by the repugnance
felt by many savages very low down in the scale to the public
satisfaction of natural needs, and to their more than civilized
cleanliness in this connection;^ it is further of interest to note
that in some parts of the world the covering is not in front,
but behind; though of this fact there are probably other ex-
planations. x\.mong civilized people, also, it may be added, the
final and invincible seat of modesty is not always around the
pubes, but the anus; that is to say, that in such cases the fear
of arousing disgust is the ultimate and most fundamental ele-
ment of modesty.^
Another factor of modesty, which reaches a high develop-
ment even in savagery, is the ritual element, especially the idea
of ceremonial uncleanliness. It may be, to some extent, rooted
in the elements alread}^ referred to, and it leads us into a much
wider field than that of modesty; so that it is only necessary
to mention it here. Eitual tends to crystallize around any act
of life on which men expend deliberate attention, and the duties
of modesty among savages are a sufficiently serious part of life
to constitute a nucleus for ritual. No doubt, offences against
ritual may be regarded as more serious than offences against
modesty; but they are so obviously allied in early culture that
^Tliiis, Stevens mentions (Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, p. 182, 1897)
that the Dyaks of Malacca always wash the sexual organs even after
urination, and are careful to use the left hand in doing so. The left
hand is reserved for such uses among' the Jekris of the Niger coast also
(Journal of the Anthropological Institute, p. 122, 1898;.
^ Lombroso and Ferrero — who adopt the derivation of piidor from
piitcre; i.e., from the repugnance caused by the decomposition of the
vaginal secretions — consider that the fear of causing disgust to men is
the sole origin of modes. y among savage women, as also it remains the
sole form of modesty among prostitutes to-day. ("La Donna Delinquente/'
p. 540.) Important as this factor is in the constitution of the emotion
of modesty, I need scarcely add that I regard this exclusive theory as
altogether untenable.
36 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
the one reinforces the other, and they cannot be easily disen-
tangled. All savage and barbarous peoples who have attained
any high degree of ceremonialism have included the functions
of sex and of excretion more or less stringently within the bounds
of that ceremonialism. It is only necessary to refer to the
Jewish ritual books of the Old Testament, to Hesoid, and to
the customs prevalent among Mohammedan peoples.
At an early stage of culture, again, menstruation is re-
garded as a process of purification, a dangerous expulsion of
vitiated humors. Hence the term katharsis applied to it by
the Greeks. Hence also the mediaeval view of women: ^'Mulier
speciosa templum cedificatuni super cJoacajn/' said Boethius. The
sacro-pubic region in women, because it includes the source of
menstruation, thus becomes a specially heightened seat of taboo. ^
According to the Mosaic law (Leviticus, Chapter XX, v. 18), if
a man uncovered a menstruating w^oman, both were to be cut off.
It is probable that the Mohammedan custom of veiling the
face really has its source solely in another aspect of this ritual
factor of modesty. It must be remembered that this custom is
not Mohammedan in its origin, since it existed long previously
among the Arabians, and is described by Tertullian.- In early
Arabia very handsome men also veiled their faces, in order to
preserve themselves from the evil eye, and it has been conject-
ured with much probability that the origin of the custom of
women veiling their faces may be traced to this ritual precau-
tion.^
So far it has only been necessary to refer incidentally to
the connection of mode^tv with clothing. I have souo'ht to cm-
' Durkheim ("La Proliibition de I'lnceste," L'Anni'e Sociolofrique,
p. 50, 1898), arguin;^ that wliatevor sense -of repiij^nance women may
inspire must necessarily reach tlie liifjhest point around tlie womb. Vliich
is hence subjected to the most strinfjent taboo, incidentally su^cfgests
that here is an ori/^in of modesty. "Tlie sexual organs must be veiled
at an early jjeriod to prevent the danjierous ellluvia which they fjive oil"
from reacliinfi: the environment. 1'he veil is often a method of inter-
cepting^ maffic action. Once constituted, the practice would be main-
tained and transformed."
-Tertullian. "De Virj^inibus Velandis." cap. 17.
MVellliauscn. "Kcste Arabischcn lleidentums," p. 1!)(».
THE EYOLL'TIOX OF MODESTY. 37
phasize the unquestionable, but often forgotten, fact that mod-
esty is in its origins independent of clothing, that physiological
modesty takes precedence of anatomical modesty, and that the
primary factors of modesty were certainly developed long before
the discovery of either ornament or garments. The rise of
clothing probably had its first psychical basis on an emotion of
modesty already compositely formed of the elements we have
traced/ Both the main elementary factors, it must be noted,
must naturally tend to develop and unite in a more complex,
though — it may well be — much less intense, emotion. The im-
pulse which leads the female animal, as it leads some African
women, when found without their girdles, to squat firmly down
on the earth, becomes a more refined and extended play of gest-
ure and ornament and garment. A very notable advance, 1 may
remark, is made when this primary attitude of defence against
the action of the male becomes a defence ao^ainst his eves. We
may thus explain the spread of modesty to various parts of the
body, even when we exclude the more special influence of the
evil eye. The breasts very early become a focus of modesty in
women; this may be observed among many naked or nearly
naked negro races; the tendency of the nates to become the
chief seat of modesty in many parts of Africa may probably be
thus explained, since the full development of the gluteal regions
is often the greatest attraction an African woman can possess.^
The same cause contributes, doubtless, to the face becoming,
^ It is possible, as some ethnographists have observed ie.fj.. Letoiir-
neau, "I'Evolution de la Morale," p. 146), that intercrural cords and
other primitive garments have a physical ground, inasmuch as they pro-
tect the most sensitive and unprotected part of the body, especially in
women. We may note in this connection the significant remarks of
Iv. von den Steinen, who argues that among Brazilian tribes the object
of the uluri. etc., is to obtain a maximum of protection for the mucous
membrane with a minimum of concealment. Among the Esquimaux, as
Xansen noted, the corresponding intercrural cord is so thin as to be often
practically invisible: this may be noted. I may add. in the excellent
photographs of Esquimau women given by Holm.
- In Moruland Emin Bey remarked that women are mostly naked,
but some wear a girdle with a few leaves hanging behind. The women
of some negro tribes, who thus cover themselves behind, if deprived of
this sole covering, immediately throw themselves on the ground on their
backs, in order to hide their nakedness.
38 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
in some races, the centre of modesty. We see the influence of
this defence against strange eyes in the special precautions in
gesture or clothing taken by the women in various parts of the
world against the more offensive eyes of civilized Europeans.
But in thus becoming directed merely against sight, and
not against action, the gestures of modesty are at once free to
become merely those of coquetry. When there is no real
danger of offensive action, there is no need for more than play-
ful defence, and no serious anxiety should that defence be taken
as a disguised invitation. Thus the road is at once fully open
toward the most civilized manifestations of the comedy of court-
ship.
In the same way the social fear of arousing disgust com-
bines easily and joerfectly with any new development in the in-
vention of ornament or clothing as sexual lures. Even among
the most civilized races it has often been noted that the fashion
of feminine garments (as also sometimes the use of scents) has
the double object of concealing and attracting. It is so with
the little apron of the young savage belle. The heightening of
the attraction is, indeed, a logical outcome of the fear of evoking
disgust.
The contention of Westermarck, that ornament and cloth-
ing are in large part due to the desire to give, not concealment,
but prominence, to the sexual organs, and that modesty is a
result, rather than a cause, of the use of clothes, may certainly
be accepted, so long as we realize that it is not the whole of the
truth, and that it is far from offering a complete explanation of
the phenomena of modesty.
It does, howcvor, undoubtocUy rest on a psychic basis. Among
some Australian tribes it is said that the sexual organs are only covered
during tlioir erotic dances; and it is further said that in some parts
of the world only prostitutes are clothed. "The scanty covering," as
Westermarck observes, "was found to act as the most powerful obtain-
able sexual stimulus. Hence the ])opularity of such garments in the
savage world." It is undoubtedly true that this statement may be made
not merely of the savage, but of the most (ivili/ed world. Dr. R. W.
Felkin remarks, concerning Central Africa, ilial lie nowhere met with
more indecency than in Uganda, where the junalty of death is inflicted
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 39
on an adult found naked in the street. {E(Unhur<jU Medical Jourunl,
April, 1884.) Nakedness is always chaster in its effects than partial
clothing. A study of pictures or statuary will alone serve to demonstrate
this. As a well-known artist, Du Maurier, has remarked (in "Trilby"), it
is "a fact well known to all painters and sculptors who have used the
nude model (except a few shady pretenders, whose purity, not being of
the right sort, has gone rank from too much watching) that nothing
is so chaste as nudity. Venus herself, as she drops her garments and
steps on to the model-throne, leaves behind her on the floor every
weapon in her armory by which she can pierce to the grosser passions
of men." Burton, in the "Anatomy of Melancholy" (Part III, Sect, II,
Subsect. 3), deals at length wuth the "Allurements of Love," and con-
cludes that "the greatest provocations of lust are from our apparel." A
friend points out to me that an admirable poetic rendering of this
element in the philosophy of clothing has been given by Herrick, in "The
Lily in a Crystal." The artist's model is less exposed to liberties from
men when nude than when she is partially clothed. This impulse, in
the presence of attempts at apparent concealment, is founded on the
fundamental attitude of the sexes toward each other. In this connection,
also, it is worth noting that Stanley Hall, in a report based on returns
from nearly a thousand persons, mostly teachers ("The Early Sense of
Self," American Journal of Psychology, p. 366, 1898), finds that of the
three functions of clothes — protection, ornament, and Lotzean "self-
feeling" — the second is by far the most conspicuous in childhood. The
attitude of children is testimony to the primitive attitude toward
clothing.
The great artistic elaboration often displayed by articles of
ornament or clothing, even when very small, and the fact — as
shown by Karl von den Steinen regarding the Brazilian uluri
— that they may serve as common motives in general decoration,
sufficiently prove that such objects attract rather than avoid
attention. And while there is an invincible repugnance among
some peoples to remove these articles, such repugnance being
often strongest when the adornment is most minute, others have
no such repugnance or are quite indifferent w^hether or not their
aprons are accurately adjusted. The mere presence or posses-
sion of the article gives the required sense of self-respect, of
human dignity, of sexual desirability. Thus it is that to un-
clothe a person is to humiliate him; this was so even in Ho-
meric times, for we may recall the threat of Ulysses to strip Thy-
40 PSYCHOLOGY OP SEX.
estes.^ "When a civilized European woman is naked in the
presence of others, her fundamental feeling seems usually to
be, not "I am ashamed because I am naked," but ^'I am ashamed
because I am unadorned.'' She feels, not that she is revealing
her beauty, but that she is revealing herself deprived of her
weapons of seduction. On the whole, all the motives already
noted combine to concentrate modesty on the garment.
When clothing is once established, another element, this
time a social-economic element, often comes in to emphasize its
importance and increase the anatomical modesty of women. I
mean the growth of the conception of women as property.
Waitz, followed bv Schurtz and Letourneau, has insisted that
the jealousy of husbands is the primary origin of clothing, and,
indirectly, of modesty. Diderot in the last century had already
given clear expression to the same view. It is undoubtedly true
that married women are often alone or chiefly clothed, and that
the unmarried women, though full grown, remain naked. In
many parts of the world, also, as Mantegazza and others have
shown, where the men are naked and the women covered, cloth-
ing is regarded as a sort of disgrace, and men can only with diffi-
culty be persuaded to adopt it. Before marriage a woman was
often free, and not bound to chastit}', and at the same time was
often naked; after marriage, she was clothed, and no longer
free. To the husband's mind, the garment appears — illogically,
though naturally — a moral and physical protection against any
attack on his property. Thus a new motive was furnished, this
time somewhat artificially, for making nakedness, in women at
all events, disgraceful. As the conception of property also ex-
tended to the father's right over his daughters, and the apprecia-
tion of female chastity developed, this motive spread to un-
married as well as married women. It probably constituted th«
chief element furnished to the complex emotion of modesty by
the barbarous stages of liuman civilization.^
1 "1
'Iliad," II, 202. Waitz gives instances ("Anthropology," p. 301)
showing that nakedness is sometimes a mark of submission.
-The Celtie raees. in their days of developed barbarism, seem to
have been peculiarly free from the idea of ])ro])rietorship in women.
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 41
This economic factor necessarily involved the introduction of a new
moral element into modesty. If a woman's chastity is the property of
another person, it is essential that a woman shall be modest in order
that men may not be tempted to incur the penalties involved by the
infringement of property rights. Thus modesty is strictly inculcated
on women in order that men may be safeguarded from temptation. Im-
modesty being, on this ground, disapproved by men, a new motive for
modesty is furnished to women. In the book which the Knight of the
Tower, X.andry, wrote in the fourteenth century for the instruction of
his daughters, this factor of modesty is naively revealed. He tells his
daughters of the trouble that David got into through the thoughtlessness
of Bathsheba, and warns them that "every woman ought religiously to
conceal herself when dressing and washing, and neither out of vanity
nor yet to attract attention show either her hair, or her neck, or her
breast, or any part which ought to be covered." Hinton went so far as
to regard what he termed "body modesty" as entirely a custom imposed
upon women by men with the object of preserving their own virtue.
While this motive is far from being the sole source of modesty, it must
certainly be borne in mind as an inevitable outcome of the economic
factor of modesty.
The cliief new feature — it is scarcely a new element —
•J
added to modesty when an advanced civilization slow'ly emerges
from barbarism is the elaboration of its social ritnal. Civiliza-
tion expands the range of modesty, and renders it, at the same
time, more changeable. The French seventeenth century and
the English eighteenth represent early stages' of modern Euro-
pean civilization, and they both devoted special attention to. the
elaboration of the minute details of modesty. The frequenters
of the Hotel Eambouillet, the precieuses satirized by Moliere,
were not only engaged in refining the language; they were re-
fining feelings and ideas and enlarging the boundaries of
Their women were highly honored, and, moreover (as represented in the
Celtic poems) . they usually took the initiative in matters of love. In
French lyrical poetry of the twelfth century, largely infused by the
Celtic spirit, Dowden remarks that "love was an affair for the woman;
it was she alone who made a confession of the heart" (Dowden, "History
of French Literature." p. 25). In view of what has been said above as
to the predominance of the social-economic factor of modesty during
barbarous periods of civilization, it is thus mteresting to note that it was
probably among the Irish, always distinguished by tenacious adherence
to the spirit of racial and national customs, that the habit of nakedness
was longest preserved among the upper social classes in Western Europe.
42 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
modesty. In England such famous and popular authors as
Swift and Sterne bear witness to a new ardor of modesty in the
sudden reticences, the dashes, and the asterisks which are found
throughout their works. The altogether new quality of liter-
ary prurience, of which Sterne is still the classical example,
could only have arisen on the basis of the new modesty which
was then overspreading society and literature. Idle people,
mostly, no doubt, the women in salons and drawing-rooms,
people more familiar with books than with the realities of life,
now laid down the rules of modesty, and were ever enlarging it,
ever inventing new subtleties of gesture and speech, which it
would be immodest to neglect, and which are €ver being rendered
vulgar by use and ever changing.
It -was at this time, probably, that the custom of inventing an arbi-
trary private vocabulary of words and phrases for the purpose of disguis-
ing references to functions and parts of the body regarded as immodest
and indecent first began to become common. (Vocabularies of this kind
are, however, found even among savages. Thus Zache [Zcitschrift fiir
Ethnologic, p. 213, 1899], states that the Swahili women of Africa have
a private metaphorical language referring to sexual matters.) Such pri-
vate slang, growing up independently in families, and especially among
women, as well as between lovers, is now almost universal. It is not
confined to any European country, and has been studied in Italy by
Niceforo ("II Gergo," 1897, cap. 1 and 2), who regards it as a weapon of
social defence against an inquisitive or hostile environment, since it en-
ables tilings to be said with a meaning wliicli is unintelligible to all but
the initiated person. While it is quite true that the custom is supported
by the consciousness of its practical advantages, it has its primary source
in an almost instinctive desire to avoid what is felt to be the vulgar
immodesty of direct speech. This is sufficiently shown by the fact that
such slang is chiefly concerned with tlie sacro-pubic sphere. It is one of
the chief contributions to the phenomena of modesty furnished by
civilization. The claims of modesty having effected the clothing of the
body, the impulse of modesty finds a further sphere of activity — half-
playful, yet wholly imjicrativo — in the clothing of language.
It would, however, be a mistake to suppose that this process
is an intensification of modesty. It is, on the contrary, an atten-
uation of it. The observances of modesty become merely a part
of a vast body of rules of social etiquette, though a somewhat
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. 43
stringent part, on account of the vague sense still persisting of
a deep-lying natural basis.
Modesty thus conies to have the force of a tradition, a vague,
but massive, force, bearing with special power on those who
cannot reason. It lias become mainly transformed into the al-
lied emotion of decency, which has been described as "modesty
fossilized into social customs." The whole emotion has been
devitalized, and yields more readily than in its primitive state
to any attack supported by a sufficienth^-strong motive. Even
fashion in the more civilized countries can easily inhibit ana-
tomical modest}^, and rapidly exhibit or accentuate, in turn,
almost any part of the body. But the savage Indian woman of
America, the barbarous woman of some Mohammedan countries,
can scarcely sacrifice her modesty in the pangs of childbirth.
Even when, among uncivilized races, the focus of modesty may
be said to be eccentric and arbitrar}', it still remains very rigid.
In such savage and barbarous countries modesty possesses the
strength of a genuine and irresistible instinct. In civilized
countries anyone who places considerations of modesty before
the claims of some real human need excites ridicule and con-
tempt.
It is, however, impossible to contemplate this series of phe-
nomena, so radically persistent, whatever its changes of form,
and so constant throughout every stage of civilization, without
feeling that, although modesty cannot properly be called an
instinct, there must be some physiological basis to support it.
Undoubtedly such a basis is formed by that vasomotor mech-
anism of which the most obAdous outward sign is, in human
beings, the blush. ^ All the allied emotional forms of fear —
^ The blush is, indeed, only a part, almost perhaps an accidental
part, of the organic turmoil with -vvhich it is associated. Partridge, who
has studied the phenomena of blushing in one hundred and twenty cases
(Pedagogical Seminary, April, 1897), finds that the following are the chief
general symptoms: Tremors near the waist, weakness in the limbs, press-
ure, tremblino:. warmth, weight or beating in the chest, warm wave from
feet upward, quivering of heart, stoppage and then rapid beating of heart,
coldness all over followed by heat, dizziness, tingling of toes and fingers,
numbness, something rising in throat, smarting of eyes, singing of ears,
prickling sensations of face, and pressure inside head.
4-i PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
shame, bashfulness, timidity — are to some extent upheld by this
mechanism, bnt such is especially the case with the emotion wc
are now concerned Avith. The blush is the sanction of modest v.
When the Brazilian offered Karl von den Steinen some food,
which he ate immediately in public the Brazilian hung his head.
"Whether or not he blushed, he was certainly conscious of that
capillary turmoil of the face, of which the shock of offended
modesty is the cause and blushins: the most visible sisfn.^ It
is scarcely an accident that, as has been often observed, criminals,
or the antisocial element of the community, — whether by the
habits of their lives or by congenital abnormality, — blush less
easily than normal persons.- The importance of the blush, and
the emotional confusion behind it as the sources of modesty is
shown by the significant fact that by skillfully lulling emotional
confusion it is possible to inhibit the sense of modesty itself.
In other words, it may be said that we are here in the presence
of a fear — to a large extent, a sex-fear — impelling to conceal-
ment, and this emotion naturally disappears, even though its
ostensible cause remains, when it is apparent that there is no
cause for fear.^ Thus, it is, to some extent at least, true that
^ With regard to the phenomena of blushing among different races,
see Waitz, "Anthropologic der Xaturvolker." B. 1. pp. 149-150. Since
this study was written I nave read Melinand's excellent article on the
psychological cause of blushing ("Pourquoi Rougit-on?" Revue des Deux
;Mondes, 1 Octobre. 1893). This author points out that blushing is
always associated with fear, and indicates, in the various conditions
under which it may arise. — modesty. pii(Unn\ timidity, confusion, — that
we have something to conceal which we fear mav be discover^^d.
-Kroner (Das korperliche Gefiihl," 1887. p. 130) remarks: "The
origin of a specific connection between shame and blushing is the work
of a social selection. It is certainly an immediate advantage for a man
not to blush ; indirectly, however, it is a disadvantage because in other
ways he will be known as shameless, and on that account, as a rule, he
will.be shut out from propagation. This social selection \\\\\ be specially
exercised on the female sex. and on this account women blush to a
greater extent, and more readily, than men."
^ The same result is attained when the con-^cioii^ness of nakedness
is accom])anied by a consciousness of perfect propriety, as well in the
naked person as in the by-stander. A pupil of Ingres tells that a female
model was once quietly posing. com])h'tely nude, at the Ecole des Beaux
Arts. Suddenly she screamed, and ran to cover herself with her gar-
ments. She had seen the head of a workman on the roof gazing inquisi-
tively at her through a sky-light. The modesty of men is also very sen-
sitive to any such inquisitivcncss on the part of the opposite sex. To
THE EVOLUTIOX OF MODESTY. 45
people are modest because they blush or because they feel the
possibility of blushing, rather than that they blush because
they are modest. In the same way we may explain the curious
influence of darkness in restraining the manifestations of mod-
esty, as many lovers have discovered, and as we may notice in
our cities after dark; it is true that the immodesty of a city
like London at night is largely explained by the prevalence of
prostitution at this time; prostitutes, being habitually nearer
to the threshold of immodest}^ are more markedly affected by
an influence to w^hich most women, at all events, are to some
extent susceptible/ It is curious to note that short-sighted-
ness, as well as blindness, naturally, though illogically, tends to
exert the same influence as darkness in this respect; I am assured
by short-sighted persons of both sexes that they are much more
liable to the emotions of shyness and modesty with their glasses
than without them; such persons with difficulty realize that they
are not so dim to others as others' are to them. To be in the
company of a blind person seems also to be a protection against
shyness.^ It is, of course, not as the mere cloak of a possible blush
that darkness gives courage; it is because it makes impossible a
too-detailed self-realization, such conscious self-realization being
always a source of fears, and the blush their definite symbol and
visible climax. This mechanism of blushing thus runs parallel.
this cause, perhaps, or possibly also to the fear of causing disgust, may be
ascribed the objection of men to undress before women artists and women
doctors. I am told there is often difficulty in getting men to pose nude
to women artists. ]\Ir. Jonathan Hutchinson was recently compelled to
exclude lady members of the medical profession from the instructive
demonstration at his museum "on account of the unwillingness of male
patients to undress before them." A similar unwillingness is not found
among women patients, but it must be remembered that, while women
are accustomed to regard men as doctors, men (in England) are not yet
accustomed to regard women as doctors.
^ The influence of darkness in inhibiting modesty is a very ancient
observation. Burton in the "Anatomy of Melancholy" quotes Dandinus —
"Xo.v facit impuilentes:' — connecting this influence with blushing.
- "I am acquainted with the case of a shy man," writes Dr. Harry
Campbell in his interesting study of "Morbid Shyness" (British Medical
Journal, September 26, 1896), "who will make himself quite at home in
the house of a blind person, and help himself to wine with the utmost
confidence, whereas if a member of the family, who can see. comes into
the room, all his old shyness returns, and he wishes himself far away."
46 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
on the physiological side, with that fear of evoking disgust to
which I have already referred. It is to the blush, also, that we
must attribute a curious complementary relationship between
the face and the sacro-pubic region as centres of anatomical
modesty. The women of some African tribes who go naked,
Emin Bey remarked, cover the face with the hand under the
influence of modesty. ^Fartial long since remarked (Lib. iii,
LXVIII) that when an innocent girl looks at the penis she gazes
throuofh her finfrers. AVhere, as anions: manv Mohammedan
peoples, the face is the chief focus of modesty, the exposure of
the rest of the body, including sometimes even the sacro-pubic
resfion, and certainlv the leo^s and thi2:hs, becomes a matter of
indifference.^ When, also, as amonsr ourselves in s^vnecoloijical
practice, examination of the sexual organs is required, women
frequently find evident satisfaction in concealing the face with
the hands, although not the slightest attention is being directed
to that part of the body.- All such facts — to which might be
added a reference to the marked modesty often shown in some
respects by prostitutes — serve to show that, though the forms
of modesty may change, it is yet a very radical constituent of
human nature in all stages of civilization, and that it is, to a
large extent, maintained by the mechanism of blushing.
It may still be asked, finally, whether, on the whole, mod-
^ When Casanova was at Constantinople, the Comte de Bonneval, a
convert to Islam, assured him that he was mistaken in trying to see a
woman's face when he mipht more easily obtain jrreater favors from her.
"The most reserved of Tiirkisli women." the Comte assured him. "only
carries lier modesty in her face, and as soon as her veil is on she is sure
that she will never blush at anything;." ("Memoires." vol. i, p. 429.)
-It is worth notinpf that this imjuilse is rooted in the natural in-
stinctive acts and ideas of cliildlinod. Prof. Stanley Hall. dealinf]f with
the "Early Sense of Self," in the report already mentioned, refers to the
eyes as perhaps even more than the hands, feet, and mouth, "the centres
of tliat kind of self-consciousness which is always mindtul of how the self
appears to others." and proceeds to mention "the very common im-
pression of younp children that if the eyes are covered or closed they
cannot be seen. Some think tlie j-ntire body thus vanishes from sipht
of others; some that the head also ceases to be visible; and a still
hifjhcr form of this curious ])sychosis is that when they are closed the
soul cannot be seen." (American Journal of I'sycholofry. vol. ix. No. 3,
IftOS.) In the adult woman the associated idea has died out, but the
satisfaction felt in the act still persists.
THE EVOLUTION OF MODESTY. -±7
esty really becomes a more prominent emotion as civilization
advances. I do not think this position can be maintained. It
is a great mistake, as we have se^n, to suppose that in becoming
extended modesty also becomes intensified. On the contrary,
this very extension is a sign of weakness. Among savages mod-
esty is far more radical and invincible than among the civilized.
Of the Araucanian women of Chile, Treutler has remarked that
they are distinctly more modest than the Christian white popu-
lation, and such observations might be indefinitely extended.
It is, as we have already noted, in a new and crude civilization,
anxious to mark its separation, from a barbarism it has yet
scarcely escaped, that we find an extravagant and fantastic
anxiety to extend the limits of modesty in life and art and litera-
ture. In older and more mature civilizations — in classical an-
tiquity, in old Japan, in France — modesty, while still a very
real influence, becomes a much less predominant and all-pervad-
ing influence. In life it becomes subservient to human use, in
art to beauty, in literature to expression. Among ourselves we
ma}^ note that modesty is a much more invincible motive among
the lower social classes than among^ the more cultivated classes.
This is so even when we should expect the influence of occupa-
tion to induce familiarity. Thus I have been told of a ballet-
girl who thinks it immodest to bathe in the fashion customary
at the sea-side, and cannot make up her mind to do so, but she
appears on the stage every night in tights as a matter of course.
Modesty is a part of self-respect, but in the fully-developed
human being self-respect itself holds in check any excessive
modesty. We must remember, moreover, that there are more
definite grounds for the subordination of modesty with the de-
velopment of civilization. We have seen that the factors of
modesty are many, and that most of them are based on emotions
which make little urgent appeal save to races in a savage or
barbarous condition. Thus, disgust, as Eichet has truly pointed
out, necessarilv decreases as knowledge increases.^ As we analvze
^ "Disgust," he remarks, "is a sort of synthesis which attaches to
the total form of objects, and which must diminish and disappear as
scientific analysis separates into parts what, as a whole, is so repugnant."
48 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
and understand our experiences better, so they cause us less dis-
gust. A rotten egg is disgusting, but the chemist feels no disgust
toward sulphuretted hj'drogen; while a solution of propj^lamin
does not produce the disgusting impression of that human phj's-
ical uncleanliness of which it is the odorous constituent. As
disgust becomes analyzed, and as self-respect tends to increased
physical purity, so the factor of disgust in modesty is mini-
mized. The factor of ceremonial uncleanliness, again, which plays
so urgent a part in modesty at certain stages of culture, is to-day
without influence except in so far as it survives in etiquette. In
the same wav the social-economic factor of modestv beloncfs to
a stage of human development which is wholly alien to an ad-
vanced civilization. Even the most fundamental impulse of all,
the gesture of sexual refusal, is normally only imperative among
animals and savasres. Thus civilization tends to subordinate,
if not to minimize, modesty, to render it a grace of life rather
than a fundamental social law of life. But an essential grace of
life it still remains, and whatever delicate variations it may
assume we can scarcely conceive of its disappearance.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY.
The Various Physiological and Psychological Rhythms — Menstru-
ation— The Alleged Influence of the Moon — Frequent Suppression of
Menstruation among Primitive Races — Mittelschmerz — Possible Tend-
ency to a Future Intermenstrual Cycle — Menstruation among Animals —
Menstruating Monkeys and Apes — What is Menstruation? — Its Primary
Cause still Obscure — The Relation of Menstruation to Ovulation — The
Occasional Absence of Menstruation in Health — The Relation of Menstru-
ation to "Heat" — The Prohibition of Intercourse during Menstruation —
The Predominance of Sexual Excitement at and around the Menstrual
Period — Its Absence during the Period Frequently Apparent only.
Throughout the vegetable and animal worlds the sexual
functions are periodic. From the usually annual period of
flowering in j^lants, with its play of sperm-cell and germ-cell,
and consequent seed-production, through the varying sexual
energies of animals, up to the monthly eJServescence of the gen-
erative organism in woman, seeking not without the shedding
of blood for the gratification of its reproductive function, from
first to last we find unfailing evidence of the periodicity of sex.
At first the sun, and then, as some have thought, the moon, have
marked throughout a rhythmic impress on the phenomena of
sex. To understand these phenomena we have not only to recog-
nize the bare existence of that periodic fact, but to realize its im-
plications. Rh3^thm, it is scarcely necessary to remark, is far
from characterizing sexual activity alone. It is the character
of all biological activity, alike on the physical and the psychic
sides. All the organs of the body appear to be in a perpetual
process of rhythmic contraction and expansion. The heart
is rhythmic, so is the respiration. The spleen is rhythmic,
so also the bladder. The uterus constantly undergoes regular
rhythmic contractions at brief intervals. The vascular system,
down to the smallest capillaries, is acted on by three series of
vibrations, and every separate fragment of muscular tissue pos-
(49)
OU PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
sesses rhythmic contractility. Growth itself is rhythmic,
and, as Malling-Hansen and subsequent observers have found,
follows a regular annual course as well as a larger cycle. On the
psychic sides attention is rhythmic. AVe are always irresist-
ibly compelled to impart a rhythm to every succession of sounds,
however uniform and monotonous. A familiar example of this
is the rhythm we can seldom refrain from hearing in the puffing
of an engine. A series of experiments by Bolton on thirty sub-
jects showed that the clicks of an electric telephone connected
in an induction-apparatus nearly always fell into rhythmic
groups, usually of two or four, rarely of three or five, the rhyth-
mic perception being accompanied by a strong impulse to make
corresponding muscular movements.^
It is, however, with the influence — to some extent real, to
some extent, perhaps, only apparent — of cosmic rhythm that we
are here concerned. The general tendency, physical and psy-
chic, of nervous action to fall into rhythm is merely interesting
from the present point of view as showing a biological predis-
position to accept any periodicity that is habitually imposed
upon the organism.- Menstruation has always been associated
with the lunar revolutions. Darwin, without specifically men-
tioning menstruation, has suggested that the explanation of the
allied cycle of gestation in mammals, as well as incubation in
birds, may be found in the condition under which ascidians live
at high and low water in consequence of the phenomena of tidal
change.^ It must, however, be remembered that the ascidian
origin of the vertebrates has since been contested from many
sides, and, even if we admit that at all events some such allied
conditions in the early history of vertebrates and their ancestors
tended to impress a lunar cycle on the race, it must still be rc-
^ Thaddeus L. Bolton, "Rhythm," American Journal of Psychology,
January, 1804.
-it is scarcely necessary to warn the reader that this statement
does not prejudge the question of the inheritance of acquired characters.
We can vers' well suppose that tiie organism became adjusted to the
rhythms of its environment by a series of couL-'cnital variations. Or it
might be held, on the basis of Weismann's doctrine, that the germ-plasm
has been directly modified by the environment.
M)ar\\in, '"'Descent of Man," p. ](>4.
iliE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 51
membered that the monthly periodicity of menstruation is almost
exclusively human. Bearing in mind the influence exerted on
both the habits and the emotions even of animals by the bright-
ness of moonlight nights, it is perhaps not extravagant to sup-
pose that, on organisms already ancestrally predisposed to the
influence of rhythm in general and of cosmic rhythm in partic-
ular, the periodically recurring full moon, not merely by its
stimulation of the nervous system, but possibly by the special
opportunities which it gave for the exercise of the sexual func-
tions, served to implant a lunar rhythm on menstruation. How
important such a factor may be we have evidence in the fact
that the daily life even of the most civilized peoples is still
regulated by a weekly cycle which is apparently a segment of
the cosmic lunar cycle.
Mantegazza has suggested that the sexual period became
established with relation to the lunar period, because moonlight
nights were favorable to courting,^ and Nelson remarks that in
his experience young and robust persons are subject to recurrent
periods of wakefulness at nights w^hich they attribute to the
action of the full moon. One may perhaps refer also to the tend-
ency of bright moonlight to stir the emotions of the young,
especially at puberty, a tendency which in neurotic persons may
become almost morbid.^
It is interesting to point out that, the farther back we are
able to trace the beginnings of culture, the more important we
find the part played by the moon. Next to the alternation of
day and night, the moon's changes are the most conspicuous
and startling phenomena of Nature; they first suggest a basis
^ Gason describes the dances and sexual festivals of the South Aus-
tralian blacks, generally followed by promiscuous intercourse, as taking
place at full moon. (Journal of tlie Anthropological Institute, Novem-
ber, 1894. p. 174.) In all parts of the world, indeed, including Christen-
dom, festivals are frequently regulated by the phases of the moon.
^ It has often been held that the course of insanity is influenced by
the moon. Of comparatively recent years this thesis has been main-
tained by Koster ("Ueber die Gesetze des periodischen Irreseins und
verwandter Nervenzustiinde," Bonn, 1882), who argues in detail that
periodic insanity tends to fall into periods of seven days or multiples of
seven.
52 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
for reckoning time; they are of the greatest use in primitive agri-
culture; and everywhere the moon is held to have vast influence
on the whole of organic life. Hahn has suggested that the reason
why mythological systems do not usually present the moon in
the supreme position which we should expect is that its im-
mense importance is so ancient a fact that it tends, with mytho-
logical . development, to become overlaid by other elements.^
Even in Babylonia, where the sun was most specially revered,
at the earliest period the moon ranked higher, being gradually
superseded by the worship of the sun.- Although such con-
siderations as these will by no means take us as far back as the
earliest appearance of menstruation, they may serve to indicate
that the phases of the moon probably played a large part in the
earliest evolution of man. With that statement we must at
present rest content.
It is possible that the monthly character of menstruation,
while representing a general tendency of the human race, always
and ever5^where prevalent, may be modified in the future. It is
a noteworthy fact that among many primitive races menstruation
only occurs at long intervals. Thus among Esquimau women
menstruation follows the peculiar cosmic conditions to which
the people are subjected; Cook, the ethnologist of the Peary
Xorth Greenland expedition, found that menstruation only
began after the age of nineteen, and that it was usually sup-
pressed during the winter months, when there is no sun. only
about one in ten women continuing to menstruate during this
period. It was stated by Yelpcau that Lapland and Greenland
women usually only menstruate every three months, or even
only two or three times during the year. On the Faroe Islands
it is said that menstruation is frequently absent. Amons: the
Samoyeds Mantegazza mentions that'menstniation is so slight
that some travelers have denied its existence. Azara noted
among the Guaranis of Pnra.iriiay that menstruation was not
only slight in nmoiml. Itnl the periods were se]")arated by long
'Ed. TTnhii. "Doniotor uiid r.nulu)." p. 23.
Miisln.w. "Rclijrion of l^abyloiiia," 1S!)S. pp. 08, 75-70, 4(11.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 513
intervals. Among the Indians in Xortli America, again, men-
struation appears to be scant}'. Thus, Holder, speaking of his
experience with the Crow Indians of Montana, says: "I am
quite sure that full-blood Indians in this latitude do not men-
struate so freely as white women, not usually exceeding three
days.'"'^ Among the naked women of Tierra del Fuego, it is
said that there is often no physical sign of the menses for six
months at a time. These observations are noteworthy, though
they clearly indicate, on the whole, that primitiveness in race is
a very powerless factor without a cold climate. On the other
hand, again, there is some reason to suppose that in Europe
there is a latent tendency in some women for the menstrual
cycle to split up further into two cycles, by the appearance of
a latent minor climax in the middle of the monthly interval. I
allude to the phenomena usually called Mittelschmerz, middle
period, or intermenstrual pain.
MittelscJimerz is a condition of pain occurring about the middle of
the intermenstrual period, either alone or accompanied by a sanguineous
discharge, or else by a non-sanguineous discharge. The phenomenon
varies, but seems usually to occur about the fourteenth day and to last
two or three days. Laycock, in 1840 ("Xervous Diseases of Women,"
p. 46). gave instances of Momen with an intermenstrual period. Depaul
and Gueniot ("Dictionnaire Encyclopedique des Sciences Medicales,"
article, "Menstruation," p. 694) speak of intermenstrual symptoms, and
even actual flow, as occurring in women who are in a perfect state of
health, and constituting genuine "rrf/lcs siirnumeraires.'' The condition
is, however, said to ha\e been first fully described by Yalleix; then, in
1872, by Sir William Priestley: and, subsequently, by Fehling, Fas-
bender, Sorel, Halliday Croom, Findley, Addinsell, and others. (See, for
instance, "Mittelschmerz," by J. Halliday Croom, "Transactions of Edin-
burgh Obstetrical Society." vol. xxi. 1896. Also Krieger, "Menstrua-
tion." pp. 68-69.) Fliess ("Die Beziehungen zwischen Xase und weib-
lichen Geschlechts-Organen," p. 118) goes so far as to assert that an
intermenstrual period of menstrual symptoms — which he terms 'Nehen-
menstruatioji — is "a phenomenon well known to most healthy women."
Observations are at present too few to allow any definite conclusions,
and in some of the cases so far recorded a pathological condition of the
sexual organs has been found to exist. There is no agreement as to
^ A. B. Holder, "Gynecic Xotes among American India*ns," Ameri-
can Journal of Obstetrics, Xo. 6, 1892.
54 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
the cause of MittelftcJnuerz. Some, like Addinsell, have attributed it to
disease of the Fallopian tubes. This, however, is denied by such com-
petent authorities as Cullingworth and Bland Sutton. Others, like Priest-
ley, and, more recently. Marsh {American Journal of Obstetrics, July,
1897), have sought to find the explanation in the occurrence of ovula-
tion. This theory is, however, unsupported by facts, and eventually
rests on the exploded belief that ovulation is the cause of menstruation.
Others, again, like Armand Routh and ^MacLean, in the course of an in-
teresting discussion on Miticlschmerz at the Obstetric Society of London,
on the second of March, 1898, believe that we may trace here a double
menstruation, and would explain the phenomenon by assuming that
in certain cases there is an intermenstrual as Avell as a menstrual cycle.
The question is not j-et ripe for settlement, though it is fully evident
that, looking broadly at the phenomena of rut and menstruation, the
main basis of their increasing frequency as we rise toward civilized man
is increase of nutrition, heat and sunlight being factors of nutrition.
AYhen dealing with civilized man, however, we are probably concerned
not merely with general nutrition, but with the nervous direction of that
nutrition.
At this stage it is natural to inquire what the corresponding
phenomena are among animals. Unfortunately, imperfect as is
our comprehension of the human phenomena, our knowledge
of the corresponding phenomena among animals is much more
fragmentary and incomplete. Among most animals menstrua-
tion does not exist, being replaced by what is variously known
as rut, heat, or estrus, which usually occurs once or twice a
year, in spring and in autumn, affecting the male as well as the
female, except under domestication. There is, however, a great
deal of progression in the upward march of the phenomena, as
we approach our own and allied zoological series. Heat in
domesticated cows usually occurs every three weeks. The female
hippopotamus in the Zoological Gardens has been observed to
exhibit monthly sexual excitement, with swelling and secretion
from the vulva. Progression is not only toward greater fre-
quency witli higher evolution or witli increased domesiication,
but there is also a change in the character of the flow. As Wilt-
shire,^ in his remarkable lectures on the "Comparative Phys-
' A. Wiltsliiro. British Medical .Inurnal. March, 1883. The best
account of lioat known to me is contained in Ellenborger's Vergleich.
rhys. der Ihiussaugctliien'. 1892. B. 4. Theil 2, pp. 27()-284.
THE PHENOMEXA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 00
iology of Menstruation/' asserted as a law, the more highly
evolved the animal, the more sanguineous the catamenial flow.
It is not until we reach the monkeys that this character of
the flow becomes well marked. Monthly sanguineous discharges
have been observed amon^^ manv monkevs. In the seventeenth
century various observers in many parts of the world — Bohnius,
Peyer, Helbigius, Van der Wiel, and others — noted menstrua-
tion in monke3'S.^ Buffon noted them among various monkeys
as well as in the orang-outang. J. G. St. Hilaire and Cuvier,
many years ago, declared that menstruation exists among a
variety of monkeys and lower apes. Eengger described a vag-
inal discharge in a species of cebus in Paraguay, while Raciborski
observed in the Jardin des Plantes that the menstrual hemor-
rhage in guenons was so abundant that the floor of the cage
was covered by it to a considerable extent; the same variety of
monkey was observed at Surinam, by Hill, a surgeon in the
Dutch army, who noted an abundant sanguineous flow occur-
ring at every new moon, and lasting about three days, the animal
at this time also showing signs of sexual excitement. -
The macaque and the baboon appear to be the non-human
animals in which menstruation has been most carefully ob-
served. In the former, besides the flow. Bland Sutton remarks
that "all the naked or pale-colored parts of the body, such as
the face, neck, and ischial regions, assume a lively pink color; in
some cases, it is a vivid red."^ The flow is slight, but the color-
ing lasts several days, and in warm weather the labia are much
swollen.
Heape* has most fully and carefully described menstruation
in monkeys. He found at Calcutta that the Macacus cynomolgus
menstruated regularly on the 20th of December, 20th of Janu-
^ Schurigiiis ("Parthenologia," 1729, p. 125), gives numerous refer-
ences and quotations.
- Quoted by Icard, "La Femme,"' etc., p. 63.
^ Bland Sutton. "Surgical Diseases of the Ovaries" and British
Gynecological Journal, vol. ii.
* W. Heape, "The Menstruation of Semnopithecns EnteUus," "Philo-
sophical Transactions," 1S94; "Menstruation and Ovulation of Macacus
Rhesus," "Philosophical Transactions," 1897.
56 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
ary, and about the 20th of February. The Cynoceplialus porcaria
and the Semnopithecus entdlus all menstruated each month for
about four days. In the Macaci rhesus and cynomolgus at men-
struation "the nipples and vulva become swollen and deeply
congested, and the skin of the buttocks swollen, tense, and of a
brilliant-red or even purple color. The abdominal wall also, for
a short space upward, and the inside of the thighs, sometimes
as far down as the heel, and the under-surface of the tail for
half its length or more, are all colored a vivid red, while the
skin of the face, especially about the eyes, is flushed or blotched
with red.'^ In late gestation the coloring is still more vivid.
Something similar is to be seen in the males also.
Distant, who kept a female baboon for some time, has re-
corded the dates of menstruation during a year. He found that
nine periods occurred during the year. The average length of
the periods was nearly six weeks, but they occurred more fre-
quents in the late autumn and the winter than in the summer.^
It is an interesting fact that Heape noted that, notwithstanding
menstruation, the seasonal influence, or rut, still persisted in the
monkevs he investi orated.
In the anthropoid apes Hartmann remarks that several ob-
servers have recorded periodic menstruation in the chimpanzee,
with flushing and enlargement of the external parts, and pro-
trusion of the external lips, which are not usually visible; while
there is often excessive enlargement and reddening of these
parts and of the posterior callosities during sexual excitement.
Very little, however, appears to be definitely known regarding
any form of menstruation in the higher apes. M. Deniker, who
has made a special study of the anthropoid apes, informs me
that he has so far been unable to make definite observations re-
garding the existence of menstruation. Moll remarks that he
received information regarding such a phenomenon in the orang-
outang. A pair of orang-outangs was kept in the Berlin Zoolog-
ical Gardens some years ago, and the female was stated to have at
intervals a menstrual flow resembling that of women, and during
^ W. L. Distant, "Notes on the Chacma Baboon," Zoologist, p. 29,
1897.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 57
this period to refrain from sexual congress, which was other-
wise usually exercised at regular intervals, at least every two or
three days; Moll adds, however, that, while his informant u a
reliable man, the length of time that has elapsed may have led
him to make mistakes in details. Keith, in a paper read before
the Zooloo-ical Societv of London, has recentlv described men-
struation in a chimpanzee; it occurred every twenty-third or
twent3'-fourth day, and lasted for three days; the discharge was
profuse, and first appeared in about the ninth or tenth year.^
What is menstruation? It is easy to describe it, by its
obvious symptoms, as a monthly discharge of blood from the
uterus, but nearly as much as that was known in the infancy
of the world. When we seek to probe more intimately into the
nature of menstruation we are still baffled, not merely as re-
gards its cause, but even as regards its precise mechanism. It
is no longer generally accepted that menstruation is the debris
of an unduly proliferated epithelium which has undergone fatty
degeneration, a process which we should expect to be continu-
ous. Xor is it generally agreed (with A. W. Johnstone) that
menstruation is simply a result of tonic changes produced in
the uterus by the upright position. It is not even widely ac-
cejoted that the main cause of menstruation is a rhythmic con-
traction of the uterus — the result of a disappointed preparation
for impregnation — a kind of miniature childbirth.- "The pri-
mary cause of menstruation remains unexplained"; "the cause
of menstruation remains as obscure as ever'; so conclude two
of the most thorough and cautious investigators into this sub-
ject.^ Fortunately, sinc.e we are here primarily concerned with
its psychological aspects, the precise biological cause and physio-
logical nature of menstruation do not greatly concern us.
There is, however, one point which of late years has been
1 Nature, March 23, 1899.
- This, however, seems to be the most reasonable view of menstru-
ation; i.r., as an abortion of a decidua. Burdach (according to Beard)
was the first who described menstruation as an abortive parturition.
MV. Heape, "The Menstruation of SenDiopithecus Eutellus," "Philo-
sophical Transactions." p. 483. 1894. Bland Sutton. "Surgical Diseases of
the Ovaries." 1896.
58 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
definitely determined, and which should not be passed without
mention: the relation of menstruation to ovulation. It was
once supposed that the maturation of an ovule in the ovaries
was the necessary accompaniment, and even cause, of menstrua-
tion. We now know that ovulation proceeds throughout the
whole of life, even before birth, and during gestation,^ and that
removal of the ovaries bv no means necessarilv involves a ces-
sation of menstruation. It has been shown that regular and
even excessive menstruation mav take place in the cons^enital
absence of a trace of ovaries or Fallopian tubes.- On the other
hand, a rudimentary state of the uterus, and a complete absence
of menstruation, may exist with well-developed ovaries and
normal ovulation.^ We must resfard the uterus as to some ex-
tent an independent organ, and menstruation as a process which
arose, no doubt, with the object, teleologically speaking, of co-
operating more effectively with ovulation, but has become largely
independent."'
It is sometimes stated that menstruation may be entirely absent
in perfect health. Few cases of this condition have, however, been
recorded with the detail necessary to prove the assertion. One such
case was investigated by Dr. H. W. Mitchell, and described in a paper
read to the New York County Medical Society, February 22, 1892 (to
be found in ifcdical Reprints, June, 1892). The subject was a young,
unmarried woman, 24 years of age. She was born in Ireland, and, until
her emigration, lived quietly at home with her parents. Being then
twenty years of age, she left home and came to New York. Up to that
time no signs of menstruation had appeared, and she had never heard
^ Robinson, American Gynecological and Obstetrical Journal, Au-
gust, 1895.
= Bossi, Annali di Ostet. e. Ginecol.. September, 1896; summarized
in the British Medical Journal, October 31. 189C.
' Beuttner, Centralblatt fiir Gyniikoloorie, No. 49, 1893; summarized
in British Medical Journal. December, 1893. Many cases show that
prcfrnancy may occur in the absence of menstruation. See, c.j;.. Nou-
volles Archives d'Obst^^trique et de Gynecologic, 25 Janvier, 1894, supple-
ment, p. 9.
* It is still possible, and even probable, tliat the primordial cause of
both phenomena is the same. Hoape (in a paper read before the Obstet-
rical Society of London, April 0, 1898) argues that both menstruation
and ovulation are closely connected with and influenced by congestion,
and that in the primitive condition they are largely due to the same
cause.
THE PHEXOMEXA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 59
that such a function existed. Soon after her arrival in Xew York she
obtained a situation as a waiting-maid, and her fellow-servants in the
house where she lived, and also lier sister-in-law, noticed after a time
that she was not unwell at each month. As is the habit of the un-
educated, these friends filled her ears with wild stories about the dreadful
effects likely to follow the absence of menstruation, and she was told
that she would eventually become insane. This worried her greatly,
and as a consequence she became pale and anaemic, with loss of flesh,
appetite, and sleep, and she suffered from a long train of imaginary
nervous symptoms.
On April 7, 1889, she presented herself for treatment. She insisted
upon a uterine examination. This was made, but revealed no patho-
logical condition of her uterus. She was told to pay no attention to the
fact that she had never menstruated, and assured that she would not
die, or become insane, nor a chronic invalid. In consequence she soon
forgot that she differed in any way from other girls.
A course of chalybeate tonics, generous diet, and proper care of her
general health soon restored her to her normal condition. She has been
under close observ^ation for several years since, and recently submitted
to a thorough examination, although she was entirely- free from any
abnormal symptoms. The examination revealed the following facts
touching her physical condition: —
Weight, 105 pounds (her weight before leaving Ireland was 130) ;
girth of chest, twenty-nine and a half inches; girth of abdomen, twenty-
five inches; girth of pelvis, thirty-four and a half inches; girth of thigh,
upper third, twenty inches; heart healthy, sounds and rhythm perfectly
normal; pulse, 76; lungs healthy, respiratory murmur clear and dis-
tinct over every part; respiration, easy and twenty per minute; the
mammae are well developed, firm, and round; nipples small, no areola;
her skin is soft, smooth, and healthy; figure erect, plump, and symmet-
rical; her bowels are regular; kidneys, healthy. She has a good ap-
petite, sleeps well, and in no particular shows any sign of ill health.
The uterine examination reveals a short vagina, and a small, round
cervix uteri, rather less in size than the average, and projecting very
slightly into the vaginal canal. Depth of uterus from os to fundus, two
and a quarter inches. This would show that the organ is very nearly
normal in size. There is no external sign of abnormal ovaries. This ex-
amination shows that she is a well-developed healthy young woman,
performing all her physiological functions naturally and regularly, ex-
cept the single function of menstruation. Xo vicarious menstruation
takes the place of the natural function, though she has been watched
very closely during the past two years, nor the least periodical excite-
ment. It is added tliat, though the clitoris is normal, the mons veneris
is almost destitute of hair, and the labia rather undeveloped, while, "as
60 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
far as is known,'' sexual instincts and desire are entirely absent. These
latter facts, I may add, would seem to suggest that in spite of the
health of the subject there is yet some concealed lack of development of
the sexual system of congenital character. In a case recorded by Plant
{Cejitralblatt fiir Gyniikoloyie, Xo. 9, 189G; summarized in the British
Medical Journal, April 4, 189G), in which the internal sexual organs
were almost wholly undeveloped and menstruation absent, the labia were
similarly undeveloped, and the pubic hair scanty, while the axillary hair
was wholly absent, though that of the head was long and strong.
"We may now regard as purely academic the discussion for-
merly carried on as to whether menstruation may be regarded as
analogous to heat in female animals. For many centuries at
least the resemblance has been sufficiently obvious. Raciborski
and Pouchet, who first established the regular periodicity of
ovulation in mammals, identified rut and menstruation.^ During
the present century there has, notwithstanding, been an occa-
sional tendency to deny any real connection. No satisfactory
grounds for this conclusion have, however, been brought for-
ward. Lawson Tait, indeed, and more recently Beard, have
stated that menstruation cannot be the period of rut, because
women hav€ a disinclination to the approach of the male at
that time.- But, as we shall see later, this statement is un-
founded. An argument which might, indeed, be brought for-
ward is the very remarkable fact that, while in animals the
period of heat is the only period for sexual intercourse, among
all human races, from the very loAvest, the period of menstrua-
tion is the one period during which sexual intercourse is strictly
prohibited, sometimes under severe penalties, even life itself.
This, however, is a social, not a physiological, fact.
Ploss and Bartcls call attention to the curious contrast, in this
respect, between heat and menstruation. The same authors also men-
tion that in the ^Middle Ages, liowever. preachers found it necessary
to warn their hearers against the sin of intercourse during tlie men-
strual period. It may be added that, of coiiiiJavatively recent times,
M'ouchot. "TlK'oric dc l"Ovul:ilic)ii Sponlanc'c." 1847.
-Tait, IMovincial Medical .lounial. May. 1S91: J. Heard. "The Span
of Gestation," 1897, p. (>9. Lawson Tait is reduced to the assertion that
ovulation and meiislnial ion are ideiilieal. As. however, ovulation is a
continuous process Hirougliout life, such a position is wholly indefensible.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PEKIODICITY. Gl
Catholic theologians have regarded intercourse during menstruation
as a sin. Icard ("La Fenime," etc., p. 40) points out tliat some Catholic
theologians have declared that intercourse during menstruation, if not
a mortal sin, is at least a venial sin, and he refers especially to Cornelius
A'Lapide. Sanchez, I may remark, states that many theologians con-
sider it a mortal sin to seek intercourse during menstruation, but he does
jiot himself consider it a mortal sin under any such circumstances.
We have here a remarkable, but not an isolated, example
of the tendenc}^ of the human mind in its development to rebel
against the claims of primitive nature. The whole of religion is
a similar remolding of nature, a repression of natural impulses,
an eifort to turn them into new channels. Prohibition of inter-
course during menstruation is a fundamental element of savage
ritual, an element which is universal merely because the con-
ditions which caused it are universal, and because — as is now
beginning to be generally recognized — the causes of human
psychic evolution are everywhere the same. A strictly analo-
gous phenomenon in the sexual sphere itself is the opposed atti-
tude in barbarism and civilization toward the sexual organs.
Under barbaric conditions and among savages, when no relig-
ious ideas intervene, the sexual organs are beautiful and pleas-
urable objects. Under modern conditions this is not so. This
difference of attitude is reflected in sculpture. In savage and
barbaric carvings of human beings the sexual organs of both
sexes are often 'enormously exaggerated. This is true of the
archaic European figures on which Salomon Eeinach has throAvn
so much light, but in modern sculpture, from the time when it
reached its perfection in Greece onward, the sexual regions in
both men and women are systematically minimized.^ .
With advancing culture — as again we shall see later — there
is a conflict of claims, and certain considerations are regarded
as "higher" and more potent than merely "natural" claims.
ISTakedness is more natural than clothing, and on many grounds
more desirable under the average circumstances of life, yet.
^ As Moll points out, even tlie secondary sexual characters have
undergone a somewhat similar change. The beard was once an impor-
tant sexual attraction, but men can now afl'ord to dispense with it with-
out fear of loss in attractiveness. "Libido Sexualis," B. 1, p. 387.
62 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
eTerywhere, under the stress of what are regarded as higher
considerations, there is a tendency lor all races to add more and
more to the burden of clothes. In the same way it happens that
the tendency of the female to sexual intercourse durins: men-
struation^ has everywhere been overlaid by the ideas ol a cult-
ure which have insisted on regarding menstruation as a super-,
natural phenomenon Avhich, for the protection of everj'body,
must be strictly tabooed.- This tendency is reinforced, and in
high civilization replaced, by the claims of an esthetic regard
for concealment" and reserve during this period. Such facts are
significant for the early history of culture, but they must not
blind us to the real analogy between heat and menstruation, an
analogy or even identity which may be said to be accepted now
by most careful investigators.^
If it is, perhaps, somewhat excessive to declare, with John-
stone, that ''woman is the only animal in which rut is omni-
present," we must admit that the two groups of phenomena
merge into or replace each other, that their object is identical,
that they involve similar psychic conditions. Here, also, we
see a striking example of the way in which women preserve a
primitive phenomenon which earlier in the zoological series was
common to both sexes, but which man has now lost. Heat and
menstruation, with whatever difference of detail, are practically
the same phenomenon. We cannot imderstand menstruation
unless we bear this in mind.
On the psychic side the chief normal and primitive charac-
teristic of the menstrual state is the more predominant presence
of the sexual impulse. There are other mental and emotional
signs of irritability and instability which tend to slightly im-
pair complete mental integrity and to render in some unbalanced
individuals explosions of anger or depression, in rarer cases crime,
' It is not absolutely established that in nienstniatinp animals the
period of nicnstnintion i« nlways a ]ieriod of sexual confri'ess; probably
not, the influeiKc of iiicu-truation beiiifr diminished by tlie more funda-
mental influence of lireedinp seasons, which afTect the male also.
- See Ap|)endix A.
^ r.land Sutton, /or. cit.. p. 890.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 63
more common;^ but the heightening of the sexual impulse, lan-
guor, shyness, and caprice are the more human manifestations
of an emotional state which in some of the lower female animals
during heat may produce a state of fury.
The actual period of the menstrual flow, at all events the
first two or three days, does not among European women usually
appear to show any heightening of sexual emotion.- This height-
ening occurs usually a few^ days before and also during the latter
part of the flow, and immediately after it ceases. I have, how-
ever, convinced myself by inquiry that this absence of sexual
feeling during the height of the flow is, in large part, apparent
only. Xo doubt, the onset of the flow, producing a general de-
pression of vitality, may tend directly to depress the emotions,
which are heightened by the general emotional state and local
congestion of the days immediately preceding; but among some
women, at all events, who are normal and in good health, I find
that the period of menstruation itself is the period of the climax
of sexual feeling. Thus, a married lady writes: "My feelings
are always very strong, not only just before and after, but during
the period; very unfortunately, as, of course, they cannot then
be gratified^^; while a refined girl of 19, living a chaste life, with-
out either coitus or masturbation, which she has never practiced,
habitually feels very strong sexual excitement about the time of
menstruation, and more especially during the period; this desire
torments her life, prevents her from sleeping at these times, and
she looks upon it as a kind of illness.^ I could quote many
other similar and equally emphatic statements, and the fact that
^ For a sketch of the general psychic state during menstruation,
see H. Ellis, "Man and Woman," Chapter XI, "The Functional Periodicity
of Women."
- This is by no means true of European women only. Thus we read
in an Arabic book. "The Perfumed Garden," that women have an aver-
sion to coitus during menstruation. On the other hand, the old Hindoo
physician, Susruta, appears to have stated that the tendency to run after
men is one of the signs of menstruation.
^ It may be noted that (as Barnes, Oliver, and others have pointed
out) there is heightened blood-pressure during menstruation. Haig re-
marks that he has found a tendency for high pressure to be accom-
panied bv increased sexual appetite ("Uric Acid." 4th edition, 1897,
p. 129).
64 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
SO cardinal a relationship of the sexual life of women should be
ignored or denied by most writers on this matter is a curious
proof of the prevailing ignorance.^
This ignorance has been fostered by the fact that women
often disguise even to themselves the real state of their feelings.
One lady remarks that while she would be ver}^ ready for coitus
during menstruation, the thought that it is impossible during
that time makes her put the idea of it out of her mind. I have
reason to think that this statement may be taken to represent
the real feelings of very many women. The aversion to coitus
is real, but it is often due, not to failure of sexual desire, but
to the inhibitory action of powerful extraneous causes. The
absence of active sexual desire in women during the height of
the flow may thus be regarded as to some extent a physiological
fact due to the languor produced by the process, and in much
larger degree a psychological fact due to the esthetic repugnance
to union when in such a condition, and to the unquestioned ac-
ceptance of the general belief that at such a period intercourse
is out of the question. Some of the strongest factors of mod-
esty, especially the fear of causing disgust and the sense of the
demands of ceremonial ritual, would thus help to hold in check
the sexual emotions during this period, and when, under the
influence of insanity, these motives are in abeyance, the coin-
cidence of sexual desire with the menstrual flow often becomes
more obvious.
It must be added that, especially among the lower social
classes, the primitive belief of the savage that coitus during
menstruation is bad for the man still persists. Ploss and Bar-
tels mention that amona- the peasants in some parts of German}^
^ Sir W. F. Wado, however, remarked, some years ajjo in liis Inirlehy
Lectures (Lancet, June f). 1880): "It is far from ex('ei)tional to find lliat
there is an extreme enhancement of concupiscence in the immediate
precatamenial period." and adds, "T am satisfied that evidence is ohlain-
able that in some instances ardor is at its maximum durinc^ the actual
period, and suspect that cases occur in which it is almost, if not entirely,
limited to that time." Lon<? apfo, however, the fjenius of Haller had noted
the same fact. More recently, Tcard ("La Femme." Chapter VI and
elsewhere: cj/., p. 125) has brought forward much evidence in confirma-
tion of this view.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. G5
where it is believed that impregnation is impossible during men-
struation, coitus at that time would be frequent were it not
thought dangerous for the man/ It has also been a common
belief both in ancient and modern times that coitus during
menstruation engenders monsters.- Notwithstanding all the
obstacles that are thus placed in the way of coitus during men-
struation, there is nevertheless good reason to believe that the
first coitus very frequently takes place at this point of least
psychic resistance. When still a student I was struck by the
occurrence of cases in which seduction took place during the
menstrual flow, though at that time they seemed to me inexpli-
cable, except as evidencing brutality on the part of the seducer.
Xegrier,^ in the lying-in wards of the Hotel-Dieu at Angers,
constantly found that the women from the country who came
there pregnant as the result of a single coitus had been impreg-
nated at or near the menstrual epoch, more especially when the
period coincided with a feast-day, as St. John's Day or Christmas.
Whatever doubt may exist as to the most frequent state of
the sexual emotions during the period of menstruation, there
can be no doubt whatever that immediately before and im-
mediately after, or more commonly at both times — this varying
slightly in different women — there is usually a marked height-
ening of actual desire.* It is at this period (and sometimes
during the menstrual flow) that masturbation usually takes
place in women who at other times have no strong auto-erotic
impulse. The only women who do not show this heightening
^ It is possible there may be an element of truth in this belief.
Diday, of Lyons, found that chronic urethorrhea is an occasional result
of intercourse during menstruation. Raciborski ("Traite de la Menstrua-
tion," 1868, p. 12), who also paid attention to this point, while confirm-
ing Diday, came to the conclusion that some special conditions must be
present on one or both sides.
- See. €.(]., Ballantvne, "Teratogenesis," "Transactions of the Edin-
burgh Obstetrical Society," 1896, vol. xxi. pp. 324-25.
^ As quoted by Icard, "La Femme," etc., p. 194. I have not been
able to see Ne^ier's work.
* The advice of Hippocrates concerning sterile women, "Let the hus-
band approach at the beginning of the monthly purgation," was probably
a medical recognition of the fact that this was the period when the
woman felt most apt for coitus.
5
66 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
of sexual emotion seem to be those in whom sexual feelings
have not yet been definite!}' called into consciousness, or the
small minority, usually sufl:ering from some disorder of sexual
or general health, in whom there is a high degree of sexual
anesthesia.^
The majority of authorities admit a heightening of sexual emotion
before or after the menstrual crisis. See, e.g., Krafft-Ebing, who places
it at the post-menstrual period ("Psychopathia Sexualis," eighth edition,
p. 24). Even this elementary fact of the sexual life has, however, been
denied, and, strange to say, by two women doctors. Dr. Mary Putnam
Jacobi, of New York, who has furnished valuable contributions to the
physiology of menstruation, in a paper on "The Theory of Menstruation,"
wrote some years ago in reference to the question of the connection be-
tween oestrus and menstruation: "Neither can any such rhythmical
alteration of sexual instinct be demonstrated in women as would lead
to the inference that the menstrual crisis was an expression of this";
i.e., of estrus. Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, again, in her book on "The
Human Element in Sex," asserts that the menstrual flow itself affords
complete relief for the sexual feelings in women (like sexual emissions
during sleep in men), and thus practically denies the prevalence of
sexual desire in the immediately post-menstrual period, when, on such
a theory, sexual feeling should be at its minimum. It is fair to add that
Dr. Blackwell's opinion is merely the survival of a view which was
widely held nearly a century ago, when various writers (Bordeu,
Roussel, Duffieux, J. Arnould, etc.), as Icard has pointed out, regarded
menstruation as a device of Providence for safeguarding the virginity
of women.
' Tlio debated question as to the prevalence of sexual anesthesia in
women does not properly call for discussion here. I shall deal with it
elsewhere.
II.
The Question of a Monthly Sexual Cycle in Men — The Earliest Sug-
gestions of a General Physiological Cycle in Men — Periodicity in Dis-
ease— Insanity, Heart Disease, etc. — The Alleged Twenty-three Days'
Cycle — The Physiological Periodicity of Seminal Emissions during Sleep
— Original Observations — Fortnightly and Weekly Rhythms.
For some centuries^ at least, inquisitive observers here and
there have thought they found reason to believe that men as
well as women present various signs of a menstrual physiological
C3Tle. It would be possible to collect a number of opinions in
favor of such a monthly ph3^siological periodicity in men. Pre-
cise evidence, however, is, for the most part, lacking. Men have
expended infinite ingenuity in establishing the remote rhythms
of the solar system and the periodicity of comets. They have
disdained to trouble about the simpler task of proving or disprov-
ing the cycles of their own organisms.^ It is over half a century
since Laycock wrote that ^^the scientific observation and treat-
ment of disease are impossible without a knowledge of the mys-
terious revolutions continually taking place in the system"; yet
the task of summarizing the whole of our knowledge regarding
these "mysterious revolutions'^ is even to-day no heavy one. As
to the existence of a monthly cycle in the sexual instincts of men,
with a single exception, I am not aware that any attempt has
been made to bring forward definite evidence. A certain interest
and novelty attaches, therefore, to the evidence I am able to pro-
duce, although that evidence will not suffice to settle the question
finally.
The great Italian physician, Sanctorius, who was in so many
ways the precursor of our modern methods of physiological re-
^ Even counting the pulse is a comparatively recent method of
physiological examination. It was not until 1450 that Xicolas of Cusa
advocated counting the pulse-beats. (Binz, Deutsche medicinische Woch-
enschrift. October 6, 1898.)
(67)
68 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
search b}^ the means of instniments of precision, was the first,
so far as I am aware, to suggest a montlil}' cycle of the organism
in men. He had carefully studied the weight of the body with
reference to the amount of excretions, and believed that a
monthly increase in weight to the amount of one or two pounds
occurred in men, followed by a critical discharge of urine, this
crisis being preceded by feelings of heaviness and lassitude.^
Gall, another great initiator of modern views, likewise asserted a
monthly cycle in men. He insisted that there is a monthly crit-
ical period more marked in nervous people than in others, and
that at this time the complexion becomes dull, the breath
stronger, digestion more laborious, while there is sometimes dis-
turbance of the urine, together with general malaise, in which
the temper takes part; ideas are formed with more difficulty,
and there is a tendency to melancholy, with unusual irascibility
and mental inertia, lasting a few days. More recently Stephen-
son, who established the cyclical wave-theory of menstruation,
aruged that it exists in men also, and is really ^'a general law
of vital energy.^'-
Sanctorius does not appear to have published the data on which
his belief was founded. Keill, an English follower of Sanctorius, in
his "Medicina Statica Britannica" (1718), published a series of daily
(morning and evening) bod j^- weights for the year, without referring
to the question of a monthly cycle. A period of maximum weight is
shown usually by Keill's figures to occur about once a month, but it
is generally irregular, and cannot usually be shown to occur at definite
intervals. Monthly discharges of blood from the sexual organs and other
parts of the body in men liave been recorded in ancient and modern
times, and Mere treated of by the older medical writers as an affliction
peculiar to men with a feminine system. (Laycock, "Nervous Diseases
of Women," p. 79). A summary of such cases will be found in Gould
and Pyle ("Anomalies and Curiosities of Medicine," 1897, pp. 27-28).
Laycock {Lancet, 1842-43, vols, i and ii) brought forward cases of
monthly and fortnightly cycles in disease, and asserted "the general
principle that there are greater and less cycles of movements going on
in the system, involving each other, and closely connected with the
organization of tlie individual." He was inclined to accept lunar influ-
' Sanctorius, "Medicina Statica," Sect. I. aph. Ixv.
'American Journal of Obstetrics, xiv, 1882.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 69
ence, and believed that the physiological cycle is made up of definite
fractions and multiples of a period of seven days, especially a unit of
three and a lialf days. Albreclit, a somewhat erratic zoologist, put
forth the view a few years ago that there are menstrual periods in men,
giving the following reasons: (1) males are rudimentary females, (2)
in all males of mammals a rudimentary masculine uterus (Miiller's
ducts) still persists, (3) totally hypospadic male individuals menstruate;
and believed that he had shown that in man there is a rudimentary
menstruation consisting in an almost monthly periodic appearance, last-
ing for three or four days, of white corpuscles in the urine {Anonuilo,
February, 1890). Dr. Campbell Clark some years since made observa-
tions on asylum attendants in regard to the temperature, during five
weeks, which tended to show that the normal male temperature varies
considerably within certain limits, and that "so far as I have been able
to observe, there is one marked and prolonged rise every month or five
weeks, averaging three days, occasional lesser rises appearing irregularly
and of shorter duration. These observations are only made in three
cases, and I have no proof that they refer to the sexual appetite" (Camp-
bell Clark, "The Sexual Reproductive Functions," Psychological Section,
British Medical Association, Glasgow, 1888: also private letters).
Hammond ("Treatise on Insanity," p. 114) says: '"I have certainly noted
in some of my friends the tendency to some monthly periodic abnormal
manifestations. This may be in the form of a headache, or a nasal
hemorrhage, or a diarrhea, or abundant discharge of uric acid, or some
other unusual occurrence. I think," he adds, "this is much more com-
mon than is ordinarily supposed, and a careful examination or inquiry
will generally, if not invariably, establish the existence of a periodicity
of the character referred to."
Dr. Harry Campbell, in his book on "Differences in the Xervous
Organizations of ]Men and Women," deals fully with the monthly rhythm
(pp. 270 et seq.), and devotes a short chapter to the question "Is the
Menstrual Rhythm peculiar to the Female Sex?" He brings forward
a few pathological cases indicating such a rhythm, but although lie had
written a letter to the Lancet, asking medical men to supply him with
evidence bearing on this question, it can scarcely be said that he has
brought forward much evidence of a convincing kind, and such as he
has brought forward is purely pathological. He believes, however, that
we may accept a monthly cycle in men. "We may," he concludes,
"regard the human being— both male and female — as the subject of a
monthly pulsation which begins with the beginning of life and continues
till death," menstruation being regarded as a function accidentally in-
grafted upon this primordial rhythm.
It is not unreasonable to argue that the possibility of such a
menstrual cvcle is increased if we can believe tliat in women also the
70 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
menstrual cycle persists even when its outward manifestations no longer
occur. Aetius said that menstrual changes take place during gestation;
in more modern times Bufl'on was of the same opinion. Laycock also
maintained that menstrual changes take place during pregnancy ("Xerv-
ous Diseases of Women," p. 47). Fliess considers that it is certainly in-
correct to assert that the menstrual process is arrested during pregnancy,
and he refers to the frequency of monthly epistaxis and other nasal
symptoms throughout this period (W. Fliess, ''Beziehungen zwischen
Kase und Geschlechts-Organen," pp. 44 ct seq.). Beard, who attaches
importance to the persistence of a cyclical period in gestation, calls it
the muffled striking of the clock. Harry Campbell ("Causation of Dis-
eases," p. 54) lias found post-climatteric menstrual rhythm in a fair
sprinkling of cases up to the age of sixty.
It is somewhat remarkable that, so far as I have observed,
none of these authors refer to the possibility of any heightening
of the sexual appetite at the monthly crisis which they believe
to exist in men. This omission indicates that, as is* suggested by
the absence of definite statements on the matter of increase of
sexual desire at menstruation, it was an ignored or unknown fact.
Of recent years, however, many writers, especially alienists, have
stated their conviction that sexual desire in men tends to be
heightened at approximately monthly intervals. They have,
however, generally been unable to give definite evidence in sup-
port of their statements.
Clouston, for instance, has frequently asserted this montlily periodic
sexual heightening in men. In the article "Developmental Insanity,"
in Tuke'a "Psychological Dictionary," he refers to the periodic physio-
logical heightening of the reproductive nisus; and, again, in an article
on "Alternation, Periodicity, and Relapse in INIental Diseases" (Edin-
hurgh Medical Journal, July, 1882), he records the case of "an insane
gentleman, aged 49, who, for the past twenty-six years, has been sub-
ject to the most regularly occurring brain-exaltation every four weeks
almost to a day. It sometimes passes ofT without becoming acutely
maniacal or even showing itself in outward acts; at other limes it
becomes so, and lasts for periods of from one to four weeks. It is always
preceded by an uncomfortable feeling in the head and pain in the back,
mental hebetude, and sliglit depression. Tlie uisusi iicncraHriis is greatly
increased, and lie says tliat, if in that condition he lias full and free
seminal emissions during sleep, the excitement ])asses off; if not, it goes
on. A full dose of liromide or iodide of potassium often, but not always,
has the effect of stopping the excitement, and a very long walk some-
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 71
times does the same. When the excitement gets to a heiglit, it is always
followed by about a week of stupid depression." In the same article
Clouston remarks: "I have for a long time been impressed with the rela-
tionship of the mental and bodily alternations and periodicities in
insanity to the great physiological alternations and periodicities, and I
have generally been led to the conclusion that they are the same in all
essential respects, and only differ in degree of intensity or duration. By
far the majority of the cases in women follow the law of the menstrual
and sexual periodicity; the majority of the cases in men follow the law
of the more irregular periodicities of the nisiis generativus in that sex.
Many of the cases in both sexes follow the seasonal periodicity which
perhaps in man is merely a reversion to the seasonal generative activities
of the majority of the lower animals." He found that among 338 cases
of insanity, chiefly mania and melancholia, 46 per cent, of females and
40 per cent, of males showed periodicity, — diurnal, monthly, seasonal, or
annual, and more marked in women than in men and in mania than in
melancholia, — and adds: "I found that the younger the patient, the
greater is the tendency to periodic remission and relapse. The phenome-
non finds its acme in the cases of pubescent and adolescent insanity."
Conolly Norman, in the article "Mania, Hysterical" (Tuke's "Psy-
chological Dictionarv-"), states that "the activity of the sexual organs is
probably in both sexes fundamentally periodic."
It is in the domain of disease that the most strenuous and,
on the whole, the most successful efforts have been made to dis-
cover a menstrual cycle in men. Such a field seems promising
at the outset, for many morbid exaggerations or defects of the
nervous system might be expected to emphasize, or to free from
inhibition, fundamental rhythmical processes of the organism
which in health, and under the varying conditions of social ex-
istence, are overlaid by the higher mental activities and the press-
ure of external stimuli. Thus, many writers have brought for-
ward evidence, especially in the domain of nervous and mental
disease, which seems to justify a belief that, under pathological
conditions, a tendency to a male menstrual rhythm might be
clearly laid bare.
"We should expect an organ so primitive in character as the
heart, and with so powerful a rhythm already stamped upon its
nervous organization, to be peculiarly apt to display a menstrual
rhythm under the stress of abnormal conditions. This expecta-
tion might be strengthened by the menstrual rhythm which Mr.
72 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Perry-Coste has found reason to suspect in piilse-freqiiency dur-
ing health. I am able to present a case in which such a perio-
dicity seems to be indicated. It is that of a gentleman who suffered
severely for some years before his death from valvular disease of
the heart, with a tendency to pulmonary congestion, and attacks
of "cardiac asthma. '^ His wife, a lady of great intelligence, kept
notes of her husband's condition, and at last observed that there
was a certain periodicity in the occurrence of the exacerbations.
The periods were not quite regular, but show a curious tendency
to recur at about thirty days' interval, a few days before the end
of every month. It is noteworthy that the subject showed a
tendency to periodicity when in health, and once remarked laugh-
ingly before his illness: "I am just like a woman, always most
excitable at a particular time of the month."
I here reproduce the notes: —
"On July 31, 1896, after a spell of very hot and trying weather,
and after feeling very seedy for several days, my husband began to
have very bad nights. For the first five days of August he got prac-
tically no sleep at night, but spent the time wandering about. On
August Gth severe rheumatic pains in the left shoulder came on in the
evening, lasting all night. The nights of 7th and 8th were spent in
agony, the pain dying away in the day-time. On the evening of the
9th he was given an injection of moi^phia, which completely removed
the pain.
"Though feeling far from well, my husband went on with his work
till the 20th, when he became seriously ill. That day was passed in
alternate fits of gasping for breath and what was almost coma. He
was very ill till the 31st, with difficulty of breathing, some congelation
of the left lung, and long intervals of a sort of state which I hardly
know how to describe, — a state between sleep and unconsciousness. He
got better after the 1st: the congestion ceased, and the comatose state
passed off, but he was troubled with fainting fits and attacks of gasping
for breath, generally occurring in the afternoon or evening, but not
more than one in twenty-four hours.
"On the 24th of September, however, he had no fewer than three
fainting fits.
"On the 25th.— One fainting fit.
"On the 28th.— One fainting fit.
"On the 30th.— Great difiiculty in breathing.
"October 1st. — Great difficulty in breathing.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 73
"3d. — Much better. Very fairly well till the
"25th, when he fainted in the carriage while we were driving.
'•'26th. — Two fainting fits. Fairly well comparatively till
"November 24th. — Pulse high all day, breathing very labored.
"25th. — Breathing very troublesome.
"27th. — Very seedy all day; pulse high; half-asleep.
"29th. — Breathing vein' bad.
"30th.— Breathing very difficult.
"December 2d. — Half-asleep all day, but breathing easier.
"3d.— Better.
"4th. — A terrible night, acute congestion of both lungs lasting three
hours.
"oth. — Second attack of congestion. Breathing very difficult all day.
"Much better on the whole, till
"26th. — Very nervous.
"27th. — Greatly troubled with indigestion; breathing troublesome.
"1897.^ — There Mas such a decided improvement in January that
he decided to go back to work at the beginning of February.
"January 26th. — Breathing rather difficult.
"29th.— Breathing rather difficult. Pulse, 120.
"February. — Was not such a good month, but no ver^^ bad symp-
toms till
"25th. — ^Yas seized in the night with acute congestion lasting three
hours. Pulse, 150.
"26th. — Breathing troublesome.
"27th. — Breathing troublesome.
"28th. — Breathing troublesome occasionally.
"Better, but not very well, till
"March 8th. — Acute congestion in the night, lasting about an hour.
"'9th. — At 11 P.M. attack of congestion.
"Fairly uell till
"26th. — Very drowsy all day, great pains in arms and across chest.
A little feverish.
"April 27th. — Xot at all well; pulse very variable; felt sick all day.
"29th. — Felt seedy and sick all day; A^ery nervous; not at all well
till May 3d, when improved till
"May 21st. — Acute congestion at 3 A.^r. to 5.
"26th. — Breathing troublesome all day.
"June 25th. — Bad night; breath troublesome; slight crackling
sound in lungs. Pulse. 120. Not at all well till July 5th, then fairly
well till
"July 22d. — Bad night; shortness of breath: pain in arms and pain
and tightness across chest.
"23d. — A good deal of shortness of breath ; not well till 29th.
74 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
"August was a very good month.
"August 26th. — A little shortness of breath.
"27th. — A little shortness of breath. Xausea.
"28th. — Feelings of light-headedness.
"September was a good month, no very marked symptoms.
"October 21st. — Great drowsiness all day, pain across chest and
shoulders, relieved by ether.
"25th. — Very drowsy, a good deal of panting.
"26th. — A little panting occasionally.
"28th. — A little panting several times in night.
"29th. — Panting and shortness of breath.
"On November 1st he got some news which greatly excited him,
and, whether as the result or not, was a good deal troubled with panting
and shortness of breath till
"November 14th. — Attack of congestion 4.30 a.m. to 5.30. Pulse
very weak, 140. Rather a bad month all through.
"25th. — Slight congestion 6.30 A.:\r. to 8; great pain in arms, chest,
and shoulders.
"26th. — Breathing very troublesome. Pulse very rapid all night.
"27th. — Felt ver}' sick nearly all day.
"28th. — Very nervous.
"29th. — Breathing troublesome.
"December 2d. — At 2.30 a.m. woke very nervous; pulse, 130: slight
congestion. After 4th health greatly improved till
"24th. — Woke very seedy; hacking cough; brought up large clots
of phlegm stained with blood; relieved by ether.
"25th. — Drowsj^ but no other bad symptoms.
"27th. — Breathing a little troublesome; fairly well, till
"January 7th, 1898. — A bad night, slight crackling sound in left
lung, relieved by ether.
"8th. — Pain in arms, much panting and difficulty in breathing.
"Very fairly well till
"25th.— Drowsy all day.
"26th. — Woke at 6 A.>r. panting, crackling sound in left lung; very
drowsy all day.
"Very fairly well from 28th to
"February 24th. — When he awoke at 7, with ])ain and a feeling as
of an iron hand across the chest. Slight sound in left lung.
"25th.— A little panting.
"I have mentioned 'drowsiness' whenever it occurred in the diary,
because it is always accompanied by irregular breathing, though he may
not be conscious himself of any difliculty.
"Since May 21, 1897, iodide of potassium has been taken regularly;
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 75
before that it was only given occasionally. The improvement since then
in the general health has been very great, though it does not come out
very clearly in the diary. The dropsical swelling of the feet is much
better, and is always worse a few days after each attack of congestion,
getting gradually better till the next attack.
"Our life has been reduced to the lowest possible level of monotony
and regularity. There is nothing in it to account for any selection of
dates."
[I received the foregoing notes during the patient's life.]
"There was slight congestion of left lung on 3d and 4th March, but
this may have been due to a sudden fall in the temperature, and cold
winds on 1st and 2d. On 5th, 6th, and 7th nervousness, shortness of
breath, and a feeling as if a fit of congestion were coming on.
"A very good montli onward to 24th, when again 'slight congestion'
is down.
"Very fairly well till April 23d."
The patient died on the 25th of this month.
At this point it is necessary to refer to an investigation
which, although of very limited extent, serves to place the ques-
tion of a male menstrual cycle for the first time on a sound basis.
If there is such a cycle analogous to menstruation in women, it
must be a recurring period of nervous erethism, and it must be
demonstrably accompanied by greater sexual activity. In the
American Journal of Psychology for 1888, Mr. Julius Nelson,
afterward Professor of Biology at the Eutgers College of Agri-
culture, New Brunswick, published a study of dreams in which
he recorded the results of detailed observations of his dreams,
and also of seminal emissions during sleep (by him termed
"gonekbole" or "ecbole^'), during a period of something over two
vears. Mr. Nelson found that both dreams and ecboles fell into
a physiological cycle of 28 days. The climax of maximum dream-
ing (as determined by the number of words in the dream record)
and the climax of maximum ecbole fell at the same point of the
cycle, the ecbolic climax being more distinctly marked than the
dream climax.
The question of cyclic physiological changes is considerably com-
plicated by our uncertainty regarding the precise length of the cycle we
76 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
may expect to find. Nelson finds a 28-day cycle satisfactory. Perry-
Coste, as we shall see, accepts a strictly lunar cycle of 29 V2 days.
Fliess has argued that in both women and men many physiological facts
fall into a cycle of 23 days, Avhich he calls male, the 28-day cycle being
female (W. Fliess, "Die Beziehungen zwischen Nase und weiblichen
Geschlechts-Organen," 1897, pp. 113 et seq.). Although Fliess brings for-
Avard a number of minutely-observed cases, I cannot say that I am yet
convinced of the reality of this 23-day cycle.
It is somewhat curious that at the same time as Fliess, though in
apparent independence and from a different point of view, another
worker has also suggested that there is a 23-day physiological cycle
(John Beard, "The Span of Gestation and the Cause of Birth," Jena,
1897). Beard approaches the question from the embryological stand-
point, and argues that there is what he terms an "ovulation unit" of
about 23 v.- days, in the interval from the end of one menstruation to
the beginning of the next. Two "ovulation units" make up one "critical
unit," and the length of pregnancy, according to Beard, is always a
multiple of the "critical unit"; in man the gestation period amounts to
six critical units.
These attempts to prove a new physiological cycle deserv'e careful
study and further investigation. The possibility of such a cycle should
be borne in mind, but at present we are scarcely entitled to accept it.
So far as I am aware, Professor Xelson^s ver}^ interesting
series of observations, which, for the first time, placed the ques-
tion of a menstrual rhythm in men on a soimd and workable
basis, have not directly led to any further observations. I am,
however, in possession of a much more extended series of ecbolic
observations completed before Mr. Nelson's paper was published,
although the results have only been calculated at a comparatively
recent date. I now propose to present a summary of these ob-
servations, and consider how far thev confirm Mr. Nelson's con-
elusions. These observations cover no less a period than twelve
years, between the ages of 17 and 29, the subject beinc: a student,
and afterward schoolmaster, who appears to have led, on the
whole, a chaste life. So far as appears, the records have been
faithfully made throughout the whole of this long period. Here,
if anywhere, should be material for the construction of a men-
strual rhythm on an ecbolic basis. While the results are in many
respects instructive, it can scarcely, perhaps, be said that they
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 77
absolutely demonstrate a monthly cycle. When summated in a
somewhat similar manner to that adopted by Professor Xelson
in his ecbolic observations, it is not difficult to regard the maxi-
mum, which is reached on the HUli to 21st days of the summated
physiological month, as a real menstrual ecbolic climax, for no
other three consecutive days at all approach these in number of
ecboles, while there is a marked depression occurring four days
earlier, on the IGth day of the month. If, however, we split up
the curve by dividing the period of twelve years into two nearly
equal periods, the earlier of about seven years and the latter of
about four years, and summate these separately, the two curves
do not present any parallel as regards the menstrual cycle. It
scarcely seems to me, therefore, that these curves present any
convincing evidence in this case of a monthly ecbolic cycle (and,
therefore, I refrain from reproducing them), although they seem
to suggest such a cycle. N^or is there any reason to suppose that
by adopting a different cycle of thirty days, or of twenty-three
days, any more conclusive results would be obtained.
It seems, however, when we look at these curves more
closely, that they are not wholly without significance. If I am
justified in concluding that they scarcely demonstrate a monthly
cycle, it may certainly be added that they show a rudimentary
tendency for the ecboles to fall into a fortnightly rhythm, and
a very marked and unmistakable tendency to a weekly rhythm.
The fortnight!}^ rhythm is shown in the curve for the earlier
period, but is somewhat disguised in the curve for the total period,
because the first climax is spread over two days, the 7th and
8th of the month. If we readjust the curve for the total period
by presenting the days in pairs, the fortnio-htly tendency is more
clearly brought out (Chart 1).
A more pronounced tendency still is traceable to a weekly
rhythm. This is, indeed, the most unquestionable fact brought
out by these curves. All the maxima occur on Saturday or Sun-
day, with the minima on Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, or
Friday. This very pronounced weekly rhythm will serve to swamp
more or less completely any monthly rhythm on a 28-day basis.
Although here probably seen in an exaggerated form, it is almost
78 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
certainly a characteristic of the ecbolic curve generally.^ I have
been told by several young men and women, especially those who
work hard during the week, that Saturday, and especially Sun-
day afternoon, are periods when the thoughts spontaneously go
in an erotic direction, and at this time there is a special tendency
to masturbation or to spontaneous sexual excitement. It is on
Frida}', Saturday, Sunda}', and Monday, according to Guerry's
tables,^ that the fewest suicides are committed, Tuesday, Wednes-
day, and Thursday, with, howev€r, a partial fall on Wednes-
day, those on which most suicides are committed, so that there
M'ould appear to be an antagonism between sexual activity and
the desire to throw off life. It also appears (in the reports of
the Bavarian factory inspectors) that accidents in factories have
a tendency to occur chiefly at the beginning of the week, and
toward the end rather than in the middle.^ Even growth, as
Fleischmann has shown in the case of children, tends to fall into
weekly cycles. It is evident that the nervous system is profoundly
affected by the social influences resulting from the cosmic week.
The analysis of this series of ecbolic curves may thus be said
to recall the suggestion of Laycock, that the menstrual cycle is
really made up of four weekly cycles, the periodic unit, accord-
ing to Laycock, being three and one-half days. I think it would,
however, be more correct to say that the menstrual cycle, per-
haps originally formed with reference to the influence of the
moon on the sexual and social habits of men and other animals,
tends to break up by a process of segmentarton into fortnightly
and weekly cycles. If we are justifled in assuming that there is
a male menstrual cycle, we must conclude that in such a case as
that iust analyzed the weekly rhvthm has become so marked as
almost entirely to obliterate the larixor monthly rhvthm.
^ Moll rofors to the onse of a man wlinso orotic dronnis oeoiirrod
every fortni^Mit, and always on Friday ni<rht ("Libido Soxiialis,*" B. 1,
p. 130). One is inclined to suspect an element of autosufrjjestion in such
a case: si ill llie coincidence is noteworthy.
= See Durkheini, "Le Suicide." p. 101.'
' We must, of com'se. see here the results of the disorf^anization pro-
duced ])y holidiiys and the exhaustion })rodnc('d by the week's labor;
but such influences are still the social eflects of the cosmic week.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 79
However constituted, there seems little doubt that a phys-
iological weekly cycle really exists. This was, indeed, very clearly
indicated many years ago by the observations of Edward Smith,
who showed that there are weekly rhythms in pulse, respiration,
temperature, carbonic-acid evolution, urea, and body-weight,
Sunday being the great day of repair and increase of weight.^
In an appendix to this volume I am able to present the
results of another long series of observations of nocturnal ecbolic
manifestations carried out by Mr. Perry-Coste, who has elabo-
rately calculated the results, and has convinced himself that on
the basis of a strictly lunar month, thus abolishing the disturbing
influence of the weekly rhythm, which in his case also appears,
a real menstrual rhythm may be traced.^
It does not appear to me, however, even yet that a final
answer to the question that a menstrual sexual rhythm occurs in
men can be decisively given in the affirmative. That such a
cycle will be proved in many cases seems to me highly probable,
but before this can be decisivelv affirmed it is necessarv that a
much larger number of persons should be induced to carry out
on themselves the simple, but protracted, series of observations
that are required.^
^ E. Smith. "Health and Disease," Chapter III. I may remark that,
according to Kemsoes (Deutsche medicinische Wochenschrift, January
20, 1898, and British Medical Journal, January 29, 1898), school-children
work best on Monday and Tuesday.
^ See Appendix B.
^ The observation of seminal emissions during sleep, with or without
dreams, as first adopted bp Professor Nelson, seems to be the most satis-
factory method of testing the existence of a n.enstrual rhythm., provided
that there is a fairly complete degree of continence during waking life.
A record of acts of masturbation, or of such acts combined with the
nocturnal ecboles. might reasonably be used as a basis, but a record of
normal coitus, whether in or out of marriage, would be of less value in
determining a male menstrual rhythm (though possibly useful in deter-
mining an annual rhythm), because the spontaneity is here liable to be
inhibited by extrinsic circumstances. It would be an advantage if such
records could be kept concurrently with the records of other physiological
functions of the organism, such as the pulse-frequency and the tempera-
ture. "Whether the physiological month of 28 days, the lunar month of
29 days, or some other period should be used as a measure of the possible
periodic vibration, every observer must decide for himself.
III.
The Annual Sexual Elivthni — In Animals — In Men — Tendency of
the Sexual Impulse to become Heightened in Spring and Autumn — The
Prevalence of Seasonal Erotic Festivals — The Feast of Fools — The Easter
and Midsummer Bon-fires — The Seasonal Variations in Birth-rate — The
Causes of those Variations — The Typical Conception-rate Curve for
Europe — The Seasonal Periodicity of Seminal Emissions during Sleep —
Original Observations — Spring and Autumn the Chief Periods of Involun-
tary Sexual Excitement — The Seasonal Periodicity of Rapes — Of Out-
breaks amonor Prisoners — The Seasonal Curses of Insanitv and Suicide —
The growth of Children According to Season — The Annual Curve of
Bread-consumption in Prisons — Seasonal Periodicity of Scarlet Fever —
The Underlying Causes of these Seasonal Phenomena.
That there are annual seasonal changes in the human or-
ganism, especially connected with the sexual function, is a state-
ment that has been made bv physiolosfists and others from time
to time, and the statement has even reached the poets, who have
frequentW declared that spring is the season of love.
Thus, sixty years ago. Laycock. an acute pioneer in the investiga-
tion of the working of the human organism, brought together (in a
chapter on "The Periodic Movements in the Reproductive Organs of
Woman," in his "Xervous Diseases of Women," 1840. pp. 61-70) much
interesting evidence to show that the system undergoes changes about
the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, and that these changes are largely
sexual.
Edward Smith, also a notable pioneer in this field of human peri-
odicity, and, indeed, the first to make definite observations on a number
of points bearing on it. sums up, in his remarkable book. "Healtli and
Disease as Influenced by Daily, Seasonal, and Other CAclical Changes in
the Human System" (1861), to the effect that season is a more powerful
influence on the system than temperature or atmospheric pressure; "in
the early and middle parts of spring every function of the body is in
its highest degree of efficiency," while autumn is "essentially a period of
change from the minimum toward the maximum of vital conditions."
(80)
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 81
He found that in April and May most carbonic acid is evolved, there
being then a progressive diminution to September, and then a progressive
increase; the respiratory rate also fell from a maximum in April to a
minimum maintained at exactly the same level throughout August, Sep-
tember, October, and November; spring was found to be the season of
maximum, autumn of minimum, muscular power; sensibility to tactile
and temperature impressions was also greater in spring.
Kulischer, studying the sexual customs of various liuman races,
concluded that in primitive times only at two special seasons — at spring
and in harvest-time — did pairing take place; and that, when pairing
ceased to be strictly confined to these periods, its symbolical representa-
tion was still so confined, even among the civilized nations of Europe,
He further argued that the physiological impulse was only felt at these
periods. (Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl bei den Menschen in
der Urzeit," ZeitscJirift fiir Ethnologic, 1876, pp. 152 and 157.)
Wiltshire, who made various interesting observations regarding the
physiology of menstruation, wrote: "Many years ago I concluded that
every woman had a law peculiar to herself, which governed the times
of her bringing forth (and conceiving) ; that she was more prone to
bring forth at certain epochs than at others; and subsequent researches
have established the accuracy of the forecast." He further stated his
belief in a "primordial seasonal aptitude for procreation, the impress of
which still remains, and, to some extent, governs the breeding-times of
humanity." (A. Wiltshire, "Lectures on the Comparative Physiology of
Menstruation," British Medical Journal, March, 1883, pp. 502, etc.)
W^estermarck, in a chapter of his "History of Human Marriage"
dealing with the question of "A Human Pairing Season in Primitive
Times," brings forward evidence showing that spring, or rather early
summer, is the time for increase of the sexual instinct, and argues that
this is a survival of an ancient pairing season; spring, he points out,
is a season of want rather than abundance for a frugivorous species, but,
when men took to herbs, roots, and animal food, spring became a time
of abundance, and suitable for the birth of children. He thus considers
that in man, as in lower animals, the times of conception are governed
by the times most suitable for birth.
Rosenstadt, as we shall see later, also believes that men to-day
have inherited a physiological custom of procreating at a certain epoch,
and he thus accounts for the seasonal changes in the birth-rate.
Heape, who also believes that "at one period of its existence the
human species had a special breeding season," follows Wiltshire in sug-
gesting that "there is some reason to believe that the human female is
not always in a condition to breed." (W. Heape, "Menstruation and
Ovulation of Macacus Rhesns," "Philosophical Transactions," vol.
clxxxviii, 1897.)
6
82 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Except, however, in one important respect, with which we
shall presently have to deal, few attempts have been made to
demonstrate an}' annual organic rhythm. The supposition of
such annual cycle is usually little more than a deduction from
the existence of the well-marked seasonal sexual rhythm in ani-
mals. Most of the hio:her animals breed only once or twice a
3'ear, and at such a period that the young are born when food
is most plentiful. At other periods the female is incapable of
breeding, and without sexual desires, while the male is either in
the same condition or in a condition of latent sexuality. Under
the influence of domestication, animals tend to lose the strict
periodicity of the wild condition, and become apt for breeding at
more frequent intervals. Thus among dogs in the wild state
the bitch only experiences heat once a year, in the spring.
Among domesticated dogs, there is not only the spring period
of heat, usually about May, but also an autumn period, about
six months later; but the primitive period, however, remains
the most important one, and the best litters of pups are pro-
duced in the spring.^ [Many of the menstruating monke3's also,
whether or not sexual desire is present throughout the year, only
conceive in spring and in autumn. Almost any time of the year
may be an animal's pairing season, this season being apparently
in part determined by the economic conditions which will pre-
vail at birth. While it is essential that animals should be born
during the season of greatest abundance, it is equally essential
that pairing, which involves great expenditure of energy, should
also take place at a season of maximum physical vigor.
A?; an example of tlie sexual histors'^ of an animal throu<;]i the
year. T may quote the following description by Dr. A. W. Johnstone
of the habits of the American deer: "Our common American deer in
wintertime is half-starved for lack of vcfjetation in the woods; the low
temperalurc. snow, and ice make his conditions of life harder for lack
of the proper amount of food, whereby he becomes an easier prey to
carnivorous animals. He has difficulty even in ))roservinfj life. Tn sprinj]^
he sheds his winter coat and is provided with a suit of lipfhter hair, and
while this is goincf on the male prows antlers for defence. The female
Dalziel, "The Collie."
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL TERIODICITY. 83
about this time is far along in ])rognancy, and wlien tlie antlers are
fully grown she drops the fawn. \\'hen the fawns are dropped vegetation
is plentiful and lactation sets in. During this time the male is kept
fully employed in getting food and guarding his more or less helpless
family. As the season advances the vegetation increases and the fawn
begins to eat grass. When the summer heat commences the little streams
begin to dry up, and the animal once more has ditliculty in supporting
life because of the enervating heat, the effect of drought on the vegeta-
tion, and the distance Avhich has to be traveled to get water; therefore
fully ten months in each year the deer has all he can do to live without
extra exertion incident to rutting. Soon after the autumn rains com-
mence vegetation becomes more luxurious, the antlers of the male and
new suits of hair for both are fully grown, heat of the summer is gone,
food and drink are plentiful everywhere, the fawns are weaned, and both
sexes are in the very finest condition. Then and then only in the whole
year comes the rut, Avhich to them, as to most other animals, means an
unwonted amount of physical exercise besides the every-day runs for life
from their natural enemies, and an unusual amount of energy is used
up. If a doe dislikes the attention of a special buck, miles of racing
result. If jealous males meet, furious battles take place. The strain on
both sexes could not possibly be endured at any other season of the
year. With approach of cold weather climatic deprivations and winter
dangers commence and rut closes. In all wild animals rut occurs only
when the climatic and other conditions favor the highest physical de-
velopment. This law holds good in all wild birds, for it is then only
that they can stand the strain incident to love-making. The common
American crow is a very good study. In the winter he travels around
the rice-fields of the South, leading a tramp's existence in a country
foreign to him, and to which he goes only to escape the rigors of the
northern climate. For several weeks in the spring he goes about the
fields gathering up the worms and grubs. After his long flight from the
South he experiences several weeks of an almost ideal existence, his food
is plentiful, he becomes strong and hearty, and then he turns to thoughts
of love. In the pairing season he does more work than at any other time
in the year: fantastic dances, racing and chasing after the females, and
savage fights \\ith rivals. He endures more than would be possible in
his ordinarv phvsical state. Then come the care of the voung and the
long flights for water and food during the drought of the summer. After
the molt autumn finds him once more in flock, and with the first frosts
he is off again to the South. In the wild state rut is the cap-stone of
perfect physical condition." (A. W. Johnstone, "The Relation of Men-
struation to the other Reproductive Functions," American Journal of
Ohstefrics. vol, xxxii. 1895.)
Wiltshire ("Lectures on the Comparative Physiology of Menstrua-
84 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
tion," British Medical Journal, March, 1888) and Westermarck ("His-
tory of Human Marriage," Chapter 11) enumerate the pairing season of
a number of diti'erent animals.
With regard to the breeding seasons of monkeys little seems to be
positively known. Heape made special inquiries with reference to the
two species whose sexual life he investigated. He was informed that
iScntHOijitliccus entclliis breeds twice a year, in April and in October.
He accepts Aitcheson's statement that the Macacus rhesus in Simla
copulates in October, and adds that in the very dilierent climate of the
plains it appears to copulate in May, He concludes that the breeding
season varies greatly in dependence on climate, but believes that the
breeding season is always preserved, and that it atl'ects the sexual apti-
tude of the male. He could not make his monkeys copulate during
February and March, but is unable to say whether or not sexual inter-
course is generally admitted outside the breeding season. He quotes the
observation of Breschet tluit monkeys copulate during pregnancy.
In primitive human races we very frequently trace pre-
cisely the same influence of the seasonal impulse as may be wit-
nessed in the higher animals, although among human races it
does not always result that the children are born at the time of
the greatest plenty, and on account of the development of human
skill such a result is not necessary. Thus Dr. Cook found among
the Esqtiimaux that during the long winter nights the secretions
are diminished, muscular power is weak, and the passions are de-
pressed. Soon after the sun appears a kind of rut affects the
young population. They tremble with the intensity of sexual
passion, and for several weeks much of the time is taken up with
courtship and love. Hence, the majority of the children are born
nine months later, when the four months of perpetual night are
beginning. A marked seasonal periodicity of this kind is not
confined to the Arctic regions. We may also find it in the tropics.
In Cambodia, ^londiere has found that twice a year, in April
and September, men seem to experience a ''veritable rut," and
will sometimes even kill women who resist them.^
These two periods, spring and autumn — the season for greet-
ing the appcariince of life and the season for reveling in its final
' Mondiero, art. "Cambodgiens," "Diolionnaire dos Scioncos Anthro-
pologiquos."
THE niEXOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 85
fruition — seem to be everywhere throughout the world the most
usual seasons for erotic festivals. In classical Greece and Rome,
in India, among the Indians of Xorth and South America, spring
is the most usual season, while in Africa the yam harvest of
autumn is the season chiefly selected. There are, of course,
numerous exceptions to this rule, and it is common to find both
seasons observed. Taking, indeed, a broad view of festivals
throughout the world, we may say that there are four seasons
when they are held: the winter solstice, when the days begin to
lengthen and primitive man rejoices in the lengthening and
seeks to assist it;^ the vernal equinox, the period of germination
and the return of life; the summer solstice, w^hen the sun reaches
its height; and autumn, the period of fruition, of thankfulness,
and of repose. But it is rarely that we find a people seriously
celebrating more than two of these festival seasons.
In Australia, according to Milller, as quoted by Ploss and
Bartels, marriage and conception take place during the warm
season, when there is greatest abundance of food, and, to some
extent, is even confined to that period. Oldfield and others state
that the Australian erotic festivals take place only in spring.
Among some tribes. Miiller adds, such as the AYatschandis, con-
ception is inagairated by a festival called Icaaro, which takes place
in the warm season at the first new moon after the yams are ripe.
The leading feature of this festival is a moonlight dance, repre-
senting the sexual act symbolically. With their spears, regarded
as the symbols of the male organ, the men attack bushes, which
represent the female organs. They thus work themselves up to
" This primitive aspect of the festival is well shown by the human
sacrifiees which the ancient Mexicans offered at this time, in order to
enable the sun to recuperate his strength. The custom survives in a
symbolical form among the Mokis, who observe the festivals of the winter
solstice and the vernal equinox. ("Aspects of Sun-worship amoncf the
:\Ioki Indians," Nature. July 28, 1898.) The Walpi. a Tusayan j)'eople,
hold a similar great sun-festival at the winter solstice, and December is
with them a sacred month in which there is no work and little play. This
festival, in which there is a dance dramatizing the fructification of the
earth and the imparting of virilitv to the seeds of corn, is fullv described
by ,J. Walter Fewkes (American Anthropologist. :\rarch, 1898). That
these solemn annual dances and festivals of North America frequently
merge into "a lecherous sntiirnoTia." when "all is joy and happiness," is
stated by H. H. Bancroft ("Native Races of Pacific'states." vol. i. p. 352).
86 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
a state of extreme sexual excitement. Among the Papuans of
Kew Guinea, also, according to Miklucho-Maclea}^ conceptions
chiefly occur at the end of harvest, and Guise describes the
great annual festival of the year which takes place at the time of
the yam and banana harvest, when the girls undergo a ceremony
of initiation and marriages are elfected.^ In Central Africa, says
Sir H. H. Johnston, in his "Central Africa," sexual orgies are
seriously entered into at certain seasons of the year, but he
neglects to mention what these seasons are. The people of Xew
Britain, according to Weisser (as quoted by Ploss and Bartels),
carefully guard their young girls from the young men. At cer-
tain times, however, a loud trumpet is blown in the evening, and
the girls are then allowed to go away into the bush to mix freely
with the young men. In ancient Peru (according to an account
derived from a pastoral letter of Archbishop Villagomez, of
Lima), in December, when the fruit of the paJtaj/ is' ripe, a
festival was held, preceded by a five days' fast. During the
festival, which lasted six days and six nights, men and women
met together in a state of complete nudity at a certain spot among
the gardens, and all raced toward a certain hill. Every man who
caught up with a woman in the race was bound at once to have
intercourse with her.
Very instructive, from our present point of view, is the
account given by Dalton, of the festivals of the various Bengal
races. Thus the Hos (a Kolarian tribe), of Bengal, are a purely
agricultural people, and the chief festival of the year with them
is the mdgh parah. It is held in the month of January, "when
the granaries are full of grain, and the people, to use their own
expression, full of deviltry." It is the festival of the harvest-
home, the termination of the year's toil, and is always held at
full moon. The festival is a saturnalia, when all rules of duty
and decor lun are forgotten, and the utmost liberty is allowed to
women and girls, who become like bacchantes. The people be-
lieve that at tliis time both men and women become overcharged
' R. K. r;ni<c. .Touriinl of the AnlliroitoloLncal Tnstituto. jip. 214-210,
18!){).
THE PHENOMEXA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 87
with vitality, and that a safety-valve is absolutely necessary.
The festival begins with a religious sacrifice made by the village
priest or elders, and with prayers for the departed and for the
vouchsafing of seasonable rain and good crops. The religious
ceremonies over, the people give themselves up to feasting and
to drinking the home-made beer, the preparation of which from
fermented rice is one of a girl's chief accomplishments. ''The
Ho population," wrote Dalton, "are at other seasons quiet and
reserved in manner, and in their demeanor toward women gentle
and decorous; even in their flirtations they never transcend the
bounds of decency. The girls, though full of spirits and some-
what saucy, have innate notions of propriety that make them
modest in demeanor, though devoid of all prudery, and of the
obscene abuse so frequently heard from the lips of common
women in Bengal they appear to have no knowledge. They are
delicately sensitive under harsh language of any kind, and never
use it to others; and since their adoption of clothing they are
careful to drape themselves decently, as well as gracefully: but
they throw all this aside during the mdgli feast. Their nature
appears to undergo a temporary change. Sons and daughters
revile their parents in gross language, and parents their children;
men and women become almost like animals in the indulgence
of their amorous propensities. They enact all that was ever
portrayed by prurient artists in a bacchanalian festival or pandean
orgy; and as the light of the sun they adore and the presence of
numerous spectators seems to be no restraint on their indulgence,
it cannot be expected that chastity is preserved when the shades
of night fall on such a scene of licentiousness and debauchery.''
"While, however, thus representing the festival as a mere debauch,
Dalton adds that relationships formed at this time generally end
in marriage. There is also a flower festival in April and May,
of religious nature, but the dances at this festival are quieter
in character.^
^ Dalton. "Ethnoloor>' of Benpjal," pp. 196 et seq. W. Crooke (Jour-
nal of the Anthropological Institute, p. 243, 1899) also refers to the
annual harvest-tree dance and saturnalia and its association with the
seasonal period for marriage.
88 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
In Biirmah the orreat festival of the vear is the full moon
of October, following the Buddhist Lent season (which is also
the wet season), during which there is no sexual intercourse.
The other great festival is the Xew Year in March. ^
In classical times the great festivals were held at the same
time as in northern and modern Europe. The hrumalia took
place in midwinter, when the days were shortest, and the rosalia,
according to early custom in May or June, and at a later time
about Easter. After the establishment of Christianity the Church
made constant efforts to suppress this latter festival, and it was
referred to by an eighth century council as ''s. wicked and repre-
hensible holiday-making." These festivals appear to be inti-
mately associated with Dionysus worship, and the flower-festivals
of Dionysus were held in spring. So were the festivals of the
Delian Apollo and of Artemis, both taking place during the first
week in May.-
The mediaeval Feast of Fools was to a lars^e extent a seasonal
orgy licensed by the church. A parody of the mass took place in
the church. "After the mass,"^ in the words of Dulaure, "there
were new acts of extravagance and impiety. Priests mingled with
the general population of both sexes, ran, danced in the church,
excited one another to all the licentious actions unbridled im-
agination could suggest. Xo shame or modesty was shown.
There was nothing to interfere with the stream of madness and
passion." The Feast of Fools may be traced directly back
through the barbatories of the lower empire to the Eoman
saiurnalia, and at Sens, the ancient ecclesiastical metropolis of
France, it was held at about the same time as the saturnalia, on
the Feast of the Circumcision: i.e., Xew Year's Day. It was not,
however, always held at this time: thus, at Evrcux, it took place
on the 1st of May.^
The Easter bon-fires of northern-central Europe, the Mid-
» H. Fielding, "The Soul of a People," 189S, Chapter XIII.
= See r.//.. L. Dyer, "Studies of the Gods in Greece," 1S9I, pp. 86-89,
375, etc.
' For a popular account of the Feast of Fools, see LoliC^e "La Ff^te
des Fous." TJovuo dos ■Revues, Mav 15, 1898; also J. G. Bourke, "Scata-
lorric Uitcs of all Nations," pp. li-23.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PEKIODICITY. 89
summer (St. John's Eve) fires of southern-eentral Europe, still
bear witness to the ancient festivals.^ Tliere is certainly a con-
nection between these bon-fires and erotic festivals; it is note-
worthy that they occur chiefly at the period of spring and early
summer, which, on other grounds, is widely regarded as the time
for the increase of the sexual instinct, while the less frequent
period for the bon-fires is that of the minor sexual climax. Mann-
hardt was perhaps the first to show how intimately these spring
and early summer festivals — held with bon-fires and dances and
the music of violin — have been associated with love-making and
the choice of a mate.- In spring, the first Monday in Lent
(Quadrigesima) and Easter Eve were frequent days for such bon-
fires. In the central highlands of Scotland the Beltane fires were
kindled on the 1st of May. Bon-fires sometimes took place on
Halloween (October 31st) and Christmas. But the great season
all over Europe for these bon-fires, then often held with erotic
ceremonial, is the summer solstice, the 23d of June, the eve of
Midsummer, or St. John's, Day.^
The Bohemians and other Slavonic races formerly had meet-
ings with sexual license. This was so up to the beginning of
^ J. Grimm ("Teutonic Mythology," p. 615) points out that the
observance of the spring or Easter bon-fires marks off the Saxon from
the Franconian peoples. The Easter bon-fires are held in Lower Saxony,
Westphalia, Lower Hesse, Geldern, Holland, Friesland, Jutland, and
Zealand. The Midsummer bon-fires are held on the Rhine, in Franconia,
Thuringia, Swabia, Bavaria, Austria, and Silesia. Schwartz (Zeitschrift
fiir Ethnologie, p. L51, 1896) shows that at Lauterberg, in the Harz
Mountains, the line of demarkation between these two primitive districts
may still be clearly traced.
- Wald und Feldkulte, 1875, vol. i, pp. 455 et seq. He also mentions
that St. Valentine's Day (14th of February), — or Ember Day, or the last
day of February, — when the pairing of birds was supposed to take place,
was associated with love-making and the choice of a mate. In Lorraine,
it may be added, on the 1st of May. the young girls chose young men
as their valentines, a custom known by this name to Rabelais.
^Mannhardt, iJ)i(l., p. 469. Also J. G. Frazer, "Golden Bough," vol.
ii. Chapter IV. For further facts and references, see K. Pearson ("The
Chances of Death," 1897, vol. ii. "Woman as Witch." "Kindred Group-
marriage." and Appendix on "The 'Mailehu' and 'Kiltfjang,' ") who in-
cidentally brings together some of the evidence concerning primitive sex-
festivals in Europe. Also E. Hahn, "Demeter und Baubo." 1896, pp. 38-40;
and for some modern survivals, see Deniker. "Races of ^lan." 1900. Chap-
ter III.
90 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
the sixteenth centurv on the banks of rivers near Xovsrorod.
The meetings took place, as a rule, the day before the Festival
of John the Baptist, which, in pagan times, was that of a divinity
known by the name of Jarilo (equivalent to Priapus). Half a
century later, a new ecclesiastical code sought to abolish every
vestige of the early festivals held on Christmas Day, on the Day
of the Baptism of Our Lord, and on John the Baptist's Day. A
general feature of all these festivals (says Kowelewsky) was the
prevalence of the promiscuous intercourse of the sexes. Among
the Esthonians, at the end of the last century, thousands of per-
sons would gather around an old ruined church (in the Fellin-
schen) on the Eve of St. John, light a bon-fire, and throw sacri-
ficial gifts into it. Sterile women danced naked among the ruins;
much eating and drinking went on, while the young men and
maidens disappeared into the woods to do what they would.
Festivals of this character still take place at the end of June in
some districts. Young, unmarried couples jump bare-foot over
large fires, usually near rivers or ponds. Licentiousness is rare.
But in many parts of Russia the peasants still attach little value
to virginity, and even prefer women who have been mothers.
The population of the Grisons in the sixteenth century held
res^ular meetins^s not less licentious than those of the Cossacks.
These were abolished by law. Kowelewsky regards all such cus-
toms as a survival of early forms of promiscuity.^
As regards these primitive festivals, although the evidence
is scattered and sometimes obscure, certain main conclusions
clearly emerge. In early Europe there were, according to Grimm,
only two seasons, sometimes regarded as spring and winter,
sometimes as spring and autumn, and for mythical purposes these
seasons were alone available.^ The appearance of each of these
two seasons was inaugurated by festivals which were religious and
often erotic in character. The Slavonic year began in March, at
^ M. Kowelewsky, "Marriaj^e Amon*? the Early Slavs," Folk-lore,
Decem})er, ISnO.
^'A. Tillo, however ("Vule and Christinas," ISOO), wliilc admitting
that the general Aryan division of the year was dual, follows Tacitus
in asserliiig that llio ricrnianio division of the year (like tlie Egyptian)
was trijiiulile: winter, spring, and sunnner.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 91
which time there was formerly, it is believed, a great festival,
not only in Slavonic, but also in Teutonic countries. In North-
ern Germany there were Easter bon-fires always associated with
mountains or hills. The Celtic bon-fires were held at the begin-
ning of May, while the Teutonic May-day, or Walpurgisnacht,
is a very ancient sacred festival, associated with erotic ceremonial,,
and regarded by Grimm as having a common origin with the
Roman floraUa and the Greek dionysia. Thus, in Europe, Grimm
concludes: "there are four different ways of welcoming summer.
In Sweden and Gothland a l)attle of winter and summer, a
triumphal entry of the latter. In Schonen, Denmark, Lower
Saxony, and England simply May-riding, or fetching of the May-
wagon. On the Ehine merely a battle of winter and summer,
without immersion, without the pomp of an entry. In Franconia,
Thuringia, Meissen, Silesia, and Bohemia only the carrying out
of wintry death; no battle, no formal introduction of summer.
Of these festivals the first and second fall in May, the third and
fourth in ]\Iarch. In the first two, the whole population take
part with unabated enthusiasm; in the last two only the lower
poorer class. . . . Everything goes to prove that the ap-
proach of summer was to our forefathers a holy tide, welcomed
by sacrifice, feast, and dance, and largely governing and bright-
ening the people's life.''^ The early spring festival of March has
become identified with the Christian festival of Resurrection (just
as the summer solstice festival has been placed beneath the pat-
ronage of St. John the Baptist); but there has been only an amal-
gamation of closely-allied rites, for the Christian festival also
may be traced back to a similar origin. iVmong the early Ai*a-
bians the great ragah feast, identified by Ewald and Robertson
Smith with the Jewish paschal feast, fell in the spring or early
summer, when the camels and other domestic animals brought
forth their young and the shepherds offered their sacrifices. -
Babylonia, the supreme early centre of religious and cosmological
culture, presents a more decisive example of the sex festival.
^ Grimm. "Teutonic Mythology" (English translation by Stally-
brass), pp. 012-030. 779, 788.'
- Wellhausen/ "Reste Arabischen Heidentums," 1897, p. 98.
92 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
The festival of Tammiiz is precisely analogous to the European
festival of St. John's da3^ Tammiiz was the solar god of spring
vegetation, and closely associated with Ishtar, also an agricultural
deity of fertility. The Tammuz festival was, in the earliest times,
held toward the summer solstice, at the time of the first wheat
and barley harvest. In Babylonia, as in primitive Europe, there
were only two seasons; the festival of Tammuz, coming at the
end of winter and the beginning of summer, was a fast followed
by a feast, — a time of mourning for winter, of rejoicing for sum-
mer. It is part of the primitive function of sacred ritual to be
symbolical of natural processes, a mysterious representation of
natural processes with the object of bringing theni about. ^ The
Tammuz festival was an appeal to the powers of Nature to ex-
hibit their generative functions; its erotic character is indicated
not only by the well-known fact that the priestesses of Ishtar
(the Kadishtu, or "holy ones") were prostitutes, but by the state-
ments in Babvlonian les^ends concernin<T: the state of the earth
during Ishtar's winter absence, when the bull, the ass, and man
ceased to reproduce. It is evident that the return of spring,
coincident with the Tammuz festival, was regarded as the period
for the return of the reproductive instinct even in man.- So
that along this line also we are led back to a great procreative
festival.
Huis the great spring festivals were held between ]\Iarch
and June, frequently culminating in a great orgy on Midsummer's
Eve. The next great season of festivals in Europe was in late
' See, €.()., the chapter on ritual in G6rard-Varet's interesting^ book,
"L'Tpnoranoe et I'lrreflexion," 1899, for a popular account of tliis and
allied primitive oonee])ti()n.s.
^Jastrou, "Ivelifjion of Babylonia," especially pp. 485, 571; regard-
ing the priestesses. Jastrow remarks: "Among many nations tlie mys-
terious aspects of woman's fertility lead to rites tliat by a perversion of
their original im])ort ap])ear to be obscene. The ])rostitiites were priest-
esses allMclied to the Tshtar cult, and who took jiart in ('(M-enionics in-
tended to symbolize fertility." Whether there is any significance in the
fact that tiie first two months of the Babylonian year (roughly corre-
sjjonding Id our "March and A|)ril). ^\■hcn we should ex]ieci births to be
at a maximum, were dedicated io V.-<\ and l>cl, who, according to varying
legends, were the creators of man, and that New Year's Day was the
festival of Piau, regarded as the molhcr of mankind. 1 cannot say, but the
suggestion may be put forward.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 93
autumn. The beginning of Xovember, both in Celtic and Teu-
tonic countries, was a ])erio(] of bon-fires.^ In Germanic coun-
tries especially there was a great festival at the time. The Ger-
manic year began at Martinmas (Xovember 11th), and the great
festival of the year was then held. It is the oldest Germanic
festival on record, and retained its importance even in the mid-
dle ages. There was feasting all night, and the cattle that were
to be killed were devoted to the gods; the goose Avas associated
with this festival.- These autumn festivals culminated in the
great festival of the winter solstice which we have perpetuated
in the celebrations of Christmas and New Year. Thus, while the
two great primitive culminating festivals of spring and autumn
correspond exactly (as we shall see) with the seasons of maximum
fecundation, even in the Europe of to-day, the earlier spring
(March) and — though less close!}' — autumn (Xovember) festivals
correspond with the periods of maximum spontaneous sexual dis-
turbance, as far as I have been able to obtain precise evidence of
such disturbance. That the maximum of physiological sexual
excitement should tend to appear earlier than the maximum of
fecundation is a result that might be expected.
The considerations so far brought forward clearly indicate
that among primitive races there are frequently one or two
seasons in the year — especially spring and autumn — during
which sexual intercourse is chiefly or even exclusively carried
on, and they further indicate that these primitive customs per-
sist to some extent even in Europe to-day. It would still remain
to determine whether any such influence still affects the whole
mass of the civilized population and determines the times at
which intercourse, or fecundation, most frequently takes place.
This question can be most conveniently answered by study-
^ Grimm. "Teutonic ^Mythology," p. 146.5. In England the Novem-
ber bon-fires have become merged to the Guy Fawkes celebrations. In
the East the great primitive autumn festivals seem to have fallen some-
what earlier. In Babylonia the seventh month (rou<jhly corresponding
to September) was specially sacred, though nothing is known of its festi-
vals, and this also was the sacred festival month of the Hebrews, and
originallv of the Arabs.
-A. Tille, "Yule and Christmas," p. 21, etc.
94 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
ing the seasonal variation in the birtli-rate, calculating back to
the time of conception. Wargentin, in Sweden, first called at-
tention to the periodicity of the birth-rate in 17 67. The matter
seems to have attracted little further attention until Quetelet,
who instinctivelv scented unreclaimed fields of statistical investi-
gation, showed that in Belgium and Holland there is a maximum
of births in February, and, consequently, of conceptions in May,
and a minimum of births about July, with consequent minimum
of conceptions in October. Quetelet considered that the spring
maximum of conceptions corresponded to an increase of vitality
after the winter cold. He pointed out that this sexual climax
was better marked in the countrv than in towns, and accounted
for this by the consideration that in the country the winter cold
is more keenly felt. Later, AVappiius investigated the matter in
various parts of northern and southern Europe as well as in Chile,
and found that there was a maximum of conceptions in May and
June attributable to season, and in Catholic countries strength-
ened bv customs connected with ecclesiastical seasons. This
maximum was, he found, followed by a minimum in September,
October, and Xovember, due to gradually-increasing exhaustion,
and the influence of epidemic diseases, as well as the strain of
harvest-work. This minimum is reached in the south earlier
than in the north. About Xovember conceptions again become
more frequent, and reach the second maximum at about Christ-
mas and Xew Year. This second maximum is very slightly
marked in southern countries, but strongly marked in northern
countries (in Sweden the absolute maximum of conceptions is
reached in Deceml)er), and is due, in the opinion of Wappiius,
solely to social causes. Yillerme reached somewhat similar re-
sults. Founding his study on 17,000,000 births, he showed that
in France it was in April, May, and June, or from the spring
equinox to the summer solstice, and nearer to the solstice than
the equinox, tliat tlie maximum of fecundations takes place;
wliile tlie minimum of births is normally in Jidy, but is retarded
by a wet and cold summer in such a manner that in August there
are scarcely more births than in .Tuly, and. on the other hand, a
very hot summer, accelerating the minimum of births, causes it
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 95
to fall in June instead of in July.^ He also showed that in
Buenos Ayres, where the seasons are reversed, the conception-
rate follows the reversed seasons, and is also raised by epochs of
repose, of plentiful food, and of increased social life. Sormani
studied the periodicity of conception in Italy, and found that
the spring maximum in the southern provinces occurs in May,
and gradually falls later as one proceeds northward, until, in the
extreme north of the peninsula, it occurs in July. In southern
Italy there is only one maximum and one minimum; in the north
there are two. The minimum which follows the spring or sum-
mer maximum increases as we approach the south, while the
minimum associated with the winter cold increases as we ap-
proach the north.- Beukemann, who studied the matter in vari-
ous parts of Germany, foimd that seasonal influence was specially
marked in the case of illegitimate births. The maximum of con-
ceptions of illegitimate children takes place in the spring and
summer of Europe generally. In Eussia it takes place in the
autumn and winter, when the harvest-w^orking months for the
population are over, and the period of rest, and also of minimum
death-rate (September, October, and November), comes round.
In Eussia the general conception-rate has been studied by various
investigators. Here the maximum number of conceptions is in
winter, the minimum varying among different elements of the
population. Looked at more closely, there are maxima of con-
ceptions in Eussia in January and in April. (In Eussian towns,
however, the maximum number of conceptions occurs in the
autumn.) The special characteristics of the Eussian conception-
rate are held to be due to the prevalence of marriages in autumn
and winter, to the severely-observed fasts of spring, and to the
exhausting harvest-work of summer.
It is instructive to compare the conception-rate of Europe
with that of a non-European country. Such a comparison has
been made by S. A. Hill for the Xorthwest Provinces of India.
Here the Holi and other erotic festivals take place in spring; but
^ Villerme. "De la Distribution par mois des conceptions," Annales
d'Hygiene Publique. tome v, 1831. pp. 55-155.
- Sormani, Giornale di Med. Milit., 1870.
96 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
spring is not the period when conceptions chiefly take place; in-
deed, the prevalence of erotic festivals in spring appears to Hill
an argument in favor of those festivals havinsr orisfinated in a
colder climate. The conceptions show a rise through October
and Xovember to a maximum in December and January, followed
by a steady and prolonged fall to a minimum in September. This
curve can be accounted for by climatic and economic conditions.
September is near the end of the long and depressing hot season,
when malarial influences are rapidly increasing to a maximum,
the food-supply is nearly exhausted, and there is the greatest
tendency to suicide. TTith October it forms the period of greatest
mortalitv. December, on the other hand, is the month when
food is most abundant, and it is also a verv health v month. ^
For a summary of the chief researches into this question see Ploss
and Bartels, "Das Weib," 4th edition, pp. 502-516; also Eosenstadt, "Zur
Frage nach den Ursachen welche die Zahl der Conceptionen, etc.,"
Mittheilungen aus den embryologischen Institute Universitat Wien,
second series, fasc. 4, 1890. Rosenstadt concludes that man has inherited
from animal ancestors a "physiological custom" which has probably been
further favored by climatic and social conditions. "Primitive man/' he
proceeds, "had inherited from his ancestors the faculty of only repro-
ducing himself at determined epochs. On the arrival of this period of
rut fecundation took place on a large scale, this being very easy, thanks
to the promiscuity in which primitive man lived. With the development
of civilization men give themselves up to sexual relations all the year
around, but the 'physiological custom' of procreating at a certain epoch
has not completely disappeared: it remains as a survival of the animal
condition, and manifests itself in the recrudescence of the number of
conceptions during certain months of the year."
Some years ago Prof. J. B. Haycraft argued, on the basis of data
furnished by Scotland, that the conception-rate corresponds to the tem-
perature-curve (Haycraft, "Physiological Results of Temperature Vari-
ation. "Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh," volume xxix,
1880). "Temperature," he concluded, "is the main factor regulating the
variations in the number of conceptions which occur during tlie year.
It increases their numl)er with its elevation, and this on an average of
0.5 per cent, for an elevation of 1" F." Whether or not this theorj' may
fit the facts as regards Scotland, it is certainly altogether untenable
when we take a broader view of the phenomena.
'Hill, Nature, July 12, 1888.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODIOITY. 97
In order to obtain a fairly typical conception-curve for Eu-
rope, and to allow the variations of local habit and customs to
some extent to annihilate each other, I have summated the
figures given by Mayr for about a quarter of a million births
in Germany, France, and Italy,^ obtaining a curve (Chart 2)
of the concsption-rate which may be said roughly to be that
of Europe generally. If we begin at September as the lowest
point, we find an autumn rise culminating in the lesser maxi-
mum of Christmas, followed by a minor depression in January
and February. Then comes the great spring rise, culminating in
May, and followed after June by a rapid descent to the minimum.
It would be of some interest to know the conception-curve
for the well-to-do classes, who are largely free from the industrial
and social influences which evidently, to a great extent, control
the conception-rate. It seems probable that the seasonal influ-
ence would here be specially well shown. The only attempt I
have made in this direction is to examine a well-filled birthday-
book. The entries show a ^very high and equally maintained
maximum of conceptions throughout April, May, and June, fol-
lowed by a marked minimum during the next three months, and
an autumn rise very strongly marked in November. There is no
December rise. As will be seen, there is here a fairly exact re-
semblance to the yearly ecbolic curve of people of the same class.
The inquiry needs, however, to be extended to a very much larger
number of cases.
A very curious and perhaps not accidental coincidence might
be briefly pointed out before we leave this part of the subject.
It is found^ by taking 3000 cases of children dying under one
year that, among the general population, children born in Feb-
ruary and September (and therefore conceived in May and De-
cember) appear to possess the greatest vitality, and those born in
^ G. Mayr, "Die Gesetzmassigkeit im Gesellschaftsleben," 1877, p.
240.
-Edward Smith ("Health and Disease"), who attributes this to the
lessened vitality of offspring at that season. Beukemann also states that
children bom in September have most vitality.
98 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
June, and, therefore, conceived in September, the least vitality.^
As we have seen, May and December are precisely the periods
when conceptions in Europe generally are at a maximum, and Sep-
tember is precisely the period when they are at a minimum, so
that, if this coincidence is not accidental, the strongest children
are conceived when there is the strongest tendency 4.0 procreate,
and the feeblest children when that tendency is feeblest. I trust
that the possible relationship which I here suggest will be further
investigated.
Professor Xelson, in his study of dreams and their relation
to seasonal ecbolic manifestations, does not present any yearly
ecbolic curve, as the two years and a half over which his observa-
tions extend scarcely supply a sufficient basis. On examining
his figures, however, I find there is a certain amount of evidence
of a yearly rhythm. There are spring and autumn climaxes
throughout (in February and in November); there is no Decem-
ber rise. During one year there is a marked minimum from May
to September, though it is but slightly traceable in the succeed-
ing year. These figures are too uncertain to prove anything, but,
as far as they go, they are in fair agreement with the much more
extensive record which I have already made use of in discussing
the question of a monthly rhythm. This record, covering nearly
twelve years, shows a general tendency, when the year is divided
into four periods (Xovember- January, February- April, May-
July, August-October) and the results summated, to rise steadily
throughout, from the minimum in the winter period to the
maximum in the autumn period. This steady upward prog-
ress is not seen in each year taken separately. In three years
there is a fall in passing from the Xovember-January to the
February- April (piarter (always followed by a rise in the subse-
quent quarter); in three cases there is a fall in passing from the
second to the third quarter (again always followed by a rise in
the following t|uarter), and in two successive years there is a fall
in passiricr from the third to the fourth (juarter. If, however,
' Wosterniarck has even supfjested that llio December maximum
of c-oticcjttions may bo duo to bettor elianoe of survival for September
olVs|)riiitr ("Human Marriage," Chapter II).
THE PHENOAIEXA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 99
beginning at the second 3'ear, we summate the results for each
year with those for all previous years, a steady rise from season
to season- is seen throughout. If we analyze the data according
to the months of the year, still more precise and interesting re-
sults (as shown in the curve, Chart 3) are obtained; two maxi-
mum points are seen, one in spring (March), one in autumn
(October, or, rather, August-October), and each of these maxi-
mum points is followed by a steep and sudden descent to the
minimum points in April and in December. If we compare this
result with Mr. Perrv-Coste's, also extendino^ over a lono^ series of
years, we find a marked similarity. In both alike there are spring
and autumn maxima, in both the autumn maximum is the high-
est, and in both also there is an intervening fall. In both cases,
again, the maxima are followed by steep descents, but while in
both the spring maximum occurs in March, in Mr. Perry-Coste's
case the second maximum, though of precisely similar shape,
occurs earlier, in June-September instead of August-October.
In Mr. Perry-Coste's case, also, there is an apparently abnormal
tendency, only shown in the more recent years of the record, to
an additional maximum in Januarv. The records certainlv show
far more points of agreement than of discrepancy, and by their
harmony, as well with each other as with themselves, when the
years are taken separately, certainW go far to prove that there is
a very marked annual rhythm in the phenomena of seminal emis-
sions during sleep, or, as Xelson has termed it, the ecbolic curve.
We see also that the crreat vearlv or2:anic climax of sexual effer-
vescence corresponds with the period following harvest, which,
throughout the primitive world, has been a season of sexual
erethism and orgy; though those customs have died out of our
waking lives, they are still imprinted on our nervous texture, and
become manifest during sleep.
If we are to believe, as these records tend to show, that the
nocturnal and involuntary voice of the sexual impulse speaks
most loudly in autumn, we are confronted by a certain opposi-
tion between the sleeping sexual impulse and the waking sexual
instinct, as witnessed by the conception-curve, and also, it may
be added, l^y the general voice of tradition, and, indeed, of indi-
100 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
vidual feeling, which concur, on the whole, in placing the chief
epoch of sexual activity in spring and early summer.^ It is not
impossible to reconcile the contradiction, assuming it tb be real,
but I will refrain here from su2:2:estin£: the various explanations
which arise. We need a broader basis of facts.
In the earliest days of Greek tradition spring and summer were
noted as the time of greatest wantonness. "In the season of toilsome
summer," says Hesiod (''Works and Days," xi, 11. 5G9-90), "then goats
are fattest, wine is best, women most wanton, and men weakest."
Augustin Xippo, it appears, in a singular book on love dedicated to
Joan of Aragon, discussed the reasons why "women are more lustful
and amorous in summer and men in winter." Paulus .^gineta said
that hysteria specially abounds during spring and autumn in lascivious
girls and sterile women, while more recent observers have believed that
hysteria is specially difficult to treat in the autumn. Oribasius, in his
"SjTiopsis" (lib. i, cap. 6), quotes from Eufus to the effect that sexual
feeling is most strong in spring and least so in summer, and Aetius
makes the same quotation. At the beginning of the century Wich-
mann stated that pollutions and nymphomania are most common in
spring. Laycock, w'ho refers to some of these writers, remarks: "This
also at the present day is the popular opinion, and appears to be
founded on fact" ("Nervous Diseases of Women," p. 69). I find that
many people confirm, from their own experience, the opinion that sexual
feeling is strongest in spring and summer.
There are many facts to show that early spring, and, to a
certain extent, autumn, are periods of visible excitement, mainly
sexual in character. We have already seen that among the
Esquimaux menstruation and sexual desire occur chiefly in spring,
but cases are known of healthy women in temperate climes who
only menstruate twice a year, and in such cases the menstrual
epochs appear to be usually in spring and autumn. Such, at all
events, was the case in a girl of 20, whose history has been re-
corded by Dr. Mary Wenck, of Phi]adel])lHa.- She menstruated
first when 15 years old. Six months later the flow again appeared
'It is, however, noteworthy that among European women monslni-
ation now usually makes its first appearance in autumn. Krieger found
that the great majority of women investigated by him menstruated for
the first time in September. October, and November.
-Women's Medical Journal, 1894.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 101
for the second time, and lasted three weeks, without cessation.
Since then, for five years, she menstruated during March and
September only, each time for three weeks, the flow being pro-
fuse, but not exhaustingly so, without pain or systemic disturb-
ance. Examination revealed perfectly normal uterus and ovarian
organs. The girl was somewhat ansemic in appearance, but three
months of constant treatment, accompanied by sitz-baths during
the time of month the flow should appear, accomplished nothing
except to relieve a cough and increase weight. The semi-annual
flow still continues, and the girl seems to be in excellent health.
It is a remarkable fact that, as noted by Dr. Hamilton Wey
at Elmira, sexual outbursts among prisoners appear to occur at
about March and October. "Beginning with the middle of Feb-
ruary/^ writes Dr. "Wey in a private letter, "and continuing for
about two months, is a season of ascending sexual wave; also the
latter half of September and the month of October. We are now
(March 30th) in the midst of a wave.^'
Sexual crimes, it is interesting to note, seem to follow the tendency
of crime generally, and to show a maximum in summer rather than in
spring or autumn. Eapes and oflfences against modesty are most numer-
ous in May, June, and July, as Villerme, Lacassagne, and others have
noted. Villerme, investigating nearly 1000 such cases occurring in
France in the years 1827-29, found a gradual ascent in frequency (only
slightly broken in March) to a maximum in June (oscillating between
^May and July when the years are taken separately), and then a gradual
descent to a minimum in December. Legludic gives for the 159 cases
he had investigated a table showing a small February-March maximum,
and a large June-August maximum, the minimum being reached in
Xovember-January (Legludic, "Attentats aux Moeurs," 1896, p. 16).
Penta gives a diagram showing the seasonal influence of sexual offences
Avith a minor climax in May (coinciding, in accordance with his observa-
tions, with the chief climax for crime generally, as well as with the
maximum of conceptions), and a more marked climax in August ("I Per-
vertimenti Sessuali," 1893, p. 115). Laurent ("Habitues des Prisons de
Paris," Chapter I) presents Lacassagne's tables of the monthly dis-
tribution of sexual and other crimes in France during the years of
1827-70. Corre ("Crime en Pays Creole") presents charts of the seasonal
distribution of crime in Guadeloupe with relation to the temperature,
which clearly show that, Avhile. in a temperature like that of France
or England, crime attains its maximum in the hot season, it is not so
102 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
in a hot climate: in July, where at Guadeloupe the heat attains a well-
marked maximum, crimes of all kinds fall suddenly to a very low mini-
mum.
Ill his 'Thysical and Industrial Training of Criminals"^
Dr. H. D. Wey gives charts of the conduct of seven prisoners
during several years, as shown by the marks received. These
charts show that there is a very decided tendency to good be-
havior during summer and winter, while in spring (February,
March, and April) and in autumn (August, September, and Oc-
tober) there are very marked falls to bad conduct, each individual
tending to adhere to a conduct-curve of his own. Dr. Wey does
not himself appear to have noticed this seasonal periodicity.
Crichton-Browne remarks that children in spring-time ex-
hibit restlessness, excitability, perversity, and indisposition to
exertion that are not displayed at other times. This condition,
sometimes known as ^^spring fever," has lately been studied in
over a hundred cases, both children and adults, by Kline. The
majority of these report a feeling of tiredness, languor, lassitude,
sometimes restlessness, sometimes drowsiness. There is often a
feeling of suffocation, and a longing for Xature and fresh air and
day-dreams, while work seems distasteful and unsatisfactory.
Change is felt to be necessary at all costs, and sometimes there is
a desire to begin some new plan of life.- In both sexes there is
frequently a wave of sexual emotion, a longing for love. Kline
also found by examination of a very large number of cases that
between the ages of four aijd seventeen it is in spring that run-
ning away from home most often occurs. He suggests that this
whole group of phenomena may be due to the shifting of the
metabolic processes from the ordinary grooves into reproductive
' "Mono^naplis of tlie Industrial Kducation Association." 1S88, p. 70.
- It is, perhaps, woi'tli while n()lin<; that tlie wisdom of the inedioval
church found an outlet for Ihi.s "s|)rinfj fever" in ])il<jrima<]:os <o remote
shiiues. As (Jhaucer wrote in tlie "Canterbury Tales": —
"Whanne that A|>ril with his showers sote
The drou^Mits of March hath ])ierced to the root,
'I'heu loii^ren folks to j;on on ))il;:iinKiire.
And palmers for to s<'eken strange strouds."
THE PHEXOMEXA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 103
channels, and seeks to bring it into connection with the migra-
tions of animals for reproductive purposes.^
It has long been known that the occurrence of insanity fol-
lows an annual curve, and though our knowledge of this curve,
being founded on the date of admissions to asylums, cannot be
said to be quite precise, it fairly corresponds to the outbreaks of
acute insanity. The curve presented in Chart 4 shows the ad-
missions to the London County Council Lunatic Asylums dur-
ing the years 1893 to 1897 inclusive; I have arranged it in two-
month periods, to neutralize unimportant oscillations. In order
to show that this curve is not due to local or accidental circum-
stances, we may turn to France and take a special and chronic
form of mental disease: Garnier, in his "Folic a Paris,^' presents
an almost exactly similar curve of the admissions of cases of gen-
eral paralysis to the Infirmerie Speciale at Paris during the years
1886-88 (Chart 5).
The general statistics of suicides in Continental Europe
show a very regular and unbroken curve, attaining a maximum
in June and a minimum in December, the curve rising steadily
through the first six months, sinking steadily through the last
six months, but always reaching a somewhat greater height in
May than in July.- Morselli shows that in various European
countries there is always a rise in spring and in autumn (October
or Xovember). The spring rise differs from those we are here
chiefly concerned with, and more resembles that of criminality,
in continuing on to a great summer climax, and then falling
rapidly about August, instead of falling during the early sum-
mer. Morselli attributes these spring and autumn rises to the
influence of the strain of the early heat and the early cold.^ In
England, also, if we take a very large number of statistics, — for
instance, the figures for London during the twenty years between
1865 and 1884, as given by Ogle (in a paper read before the
^ L. W. Kline. "The Migratory Impulse." American Journal of
Psychology, vol. x, Xo. 1. 1898, especially pp. 21-24.
- This is, at all events, the case in France, Prussia, and Italy. See,
for instance. Durkheim's discussion of the cosmic factors of suicide,
"Le Suicide," 1897, Chapter III.
^ Morselli, '"Suicide," pp. 55-72.
104 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Statistical Society in 1886), — we find that, although the general
curve has the same maximum and minimum points, it is inter-
rupted by a break on each side of the maximum, and these two
breaks occur precisely at about March and October.^ This is
shown in the curve in Chart 6, which presents the daily average
for the different months.
The growth of children follows an annual rhythm. Wahl,
the director of an educational establishment for homeless girls
in Denmark, who investigated this question, found that the in-
crease of weight for all the ages investigated was constantly about
33 per cent, greater in the summer half-year than in the winter
half-year. It was noteworthy that even the children who had
not reached school-age, and, therefore, could not be influenced
by school-life, showed a similar, though slighter, difference in
the same direction. It is, however, Malling-IIansen, the director
of an institution for deaf-mutes in Copenhagen, who has most
thoroughly investigated this matter over a great many years. He
finds that there are three periods of growth throughout the year,
marked off in a fairly sharp manner, and that during each of these
periods the growth in weight and height shows constant charac-
teristics. From about the end of November up to about the end
of March is a period when growth, both in height and weight,
proceeds at a medium rate, reaching neither a maximum nor a
minimum; increase in weight is slight, the increase in height,
although trifling, preponderating. After this follows a period
during which the children show a marked increase in height,
while increase in weight is reduced to a minimum. The children
constantly lose in weight during this period of growth in height
almost as much as they gain in the preceding period. This period
lasts from March and April to July and August. Then follows
the third period, which continues until November and December.
During this period increase in height is very slight, being at its
early minimum; increase in weight, on the other hand, at the
beginning of the period (in September and October), is rapid and
* O<rlo himself was inclined to think that these breaks were acci-
dental. hoincr unaware of the allied phenomena with which they may be
broiiL'lit into line.
THE PHENOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 105
to the middle of December very considerable, daily increase in
weight being three times as great as during the winter months.
Thus it may be said that the spring sexual climax corresponds,
roughly, with growth in height and arrest of growth in weight,
while the autumn climax corresponds roughly with a period of
growth in weight and arrest of growth in height. Malling-
Hansen found that slight variations in the growth of the children
were often dependent on changes in temperature, in such a way
that a rise of temperature, even lasting for only a few days, caused
an increase of growth, and a fall of temperature a decrease in
growth. In America, also, Peckham has shown that increase of
growth is chiefly from the 1st of May to the 1st of September.^
Goepel found that increase in height takes place mostly during
the first eight months of the year, reaching a maximum in Au-
gust, declining during the autumn and winter, in February being
nil, while in March there is sometimes loss in weight even in
healthy children.
In the course of a study as to the consumption of bread in
normal schools during each month of the year, as illustrating the
relationship between intellectual work and nutrition, Binet pre-
sents a number of curves which bring out results to which he
makes no allusion, as they are outside his own investigation.
Almost without exception, these curves show that there is an
increase in the consumption of bread in spring and in autumn,
the spring rise being in February, March, and April; the autumn
rise in October or November. There are, however, certain falla-
cies in dealing with institutions like normal schools, where the
conditions are not perfectly regular throughout the year, owing
to vacations, etc. It is, therefore, instructive to find that under
the monotonous conditions of prison-life precisely the same
spring and autumn rises are found. Binet takes the consumption
of bread in the women's prison at Clermont, where some four
hundred prisoners, chiefly between the ages of thirty and forty.
^ Ped. Sen.. June. 1891. p. 298. For a vei*y full summary and bibli-
ography of investigations regarding growth, see F. Burk. "Growth of
Children in Height and Weight." American Journal of Psvchologv, April,
1898.
106 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
are confined, and he presents two curves for the years 1895 and
1896. The curves for these two years show certain marked dis-
agreements with each other, but both unite in presenting a dis-
tinct rise in April, preceded and followed by a fall, and both
present a still more marked autumn rise, in one case in Septem-
ber and Xovember, in the other case in October.^
Some years ago Sir J. Crichton-Browne stated that a manifesta-
tion of the sexual stimulus of spring is to be found in the large number
of novels read during the month of INIarch ("Address in Psychology*' at
the annual meeting of the British Medical Association. Leeds. 1889;
Lancet, August 14, 1889). The statement was supported by figures fur-
nished by lending libraries, and has since been widely copied. It would
certainly be interesting if we could so simply show the connection be-
tween love and season, by proving that when the birds began to sing
their notes the young person's fancy naturally turns to brood over the
pictures of mating in novels. I accordingly applied to jNIr. Capel Shaw,
Chief Librarian of the Birmingham Free Libraries (specially referred to
by Sir J. Crichton-Browne), who furnished me with the Reports for
1896 and 1897-98 (this latter report is carried on to the end of ]\Iarch,
1898).
The readers who use the Birmingham Free Lending Libraries are
about 30,000 in number; tliey consist very largely of young people be-
tween the ages of 14 and 25; somewhat less than half are women. Cer-
tainly we seem to have here a good field for the determination of this
question. The monthly figures for each of the ten Birmingham libraries
are given separately, and it is clear at a glance that without exception
the maximum number of readers of prose-fiction at all the libraries during
1897-98 is found in the month of March. (I have chiefly taken into
consideration the figures for 1897-98; the figures for 1896 are somewhat
abnormal and irregular, probably owing to a decrease in readers, at-
tributed to increased activity in trade, and partly to a disturbing in-
fluence caused by the opening of a large new library in the course of the
year, suddenly increasing the number of readers, and drafting oflf bor-
rowers from some of the other libraries.) Not only so, but there is a
second, or autumnal, climax, almost equaling tlie spring climax, and oc-
curring with equal certainty, appearing during 1897-98 either in October
or November, and during 1896 constantly in October. Thus the perio-
dicity of the rate of consumption of prose-fiction corresponds with the
' "L'Annee Psyciiologique," 1898.
THE PHEXOMEXA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 107
periodicity which is found to occur in the conception-rate and in sexual
ecbolic manifestations.
It is necessar}', however, to examine somewhat more closely the
tables presented in these reports, and to compare the rate of the con-
sumption of novels Avith that of other classes of literature. In the first
place, if, instead of merely considering the consumption of novels per
month, we make allowance for the varying length of the months, and
consider the average daiJu consumption per month, the supremacy of
March at once vanishes. February is really the month during which
most novels Avere read during the first quarter of 1898, except at two
libraries, \\here February and March are equal. The result is similar if
we ascertain the daily averages for the first quarter in 1897, while in
1896 (Avhich, however, as I have already remarked, is a rather abnormal
year) the daily average for March in many of the libraries falls below
that for January as well as for February. Again, when we turn to the
other classes of books, we find that this predominance which February
possesses, and to some extent shares with March and January, by no
means exclusively applies to novels. It is not only shared by both
music and poetry, — which Avould fit in well with the assumption of a
sexual nistis,— hut the department of '"history, biography, voyages, and
travels" shares it also with considerable regularity; so also does that of
"arts, sciences, and natural history," and it is quite Avell marked in
"theology, moral philosophy, etc.," and in "juvenile literature." We
even have to admit that the promptings of the sexual instinct bring an
increased body of visitors to the reference library (where there are no
novels), for here, also, both the spring and autumnal climaxes are quite
distinct. Certainly this theory carries us a little too far.
The main factor in producing this very marked annual periodicity
seems to me to be wholly unconnected with the sexual impulse. The
winter half of the year (from the beginning of October to the end of
March), when out-door life has lost its attractions and much time must
be spent in the house, is naturally the season for reading. But during
the two central months of winter, December and January, the attraction
of reading meets with a powerful counter-attraction in the excitement
produced by the approach of Christmas, and the increased activity of
social life which accompanies and for several weeks follows Christmas.
In this way the other four winter months — October and November at
the autumnal end and February and March at the spring end — must
inevitably present the tAvo chief reading climaxes of the year; and so
the reports of lending libraries present us with figures which show a
striking, but fallacious, resemblance to the curves which are probably
produced by more organic causes.
I am far from wishing to deny that the impulse which draws
young men and women to imaginative literature is unconnected with
108 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
the obscure promptings of the sexual instinct. But, until the disturbing
influence I have just pointed out is eliminated, I see no evidence here
for any true seasonal periodicity. Possibly in prisons — the value of
which as laboratories of experimental psychology we have scarcely yet
begun to realize — more reliable evidence might be obtained; and those
French and other prisons where novels are freely allowed to the prisoners
might yield evidence as regards the consumption of fiction as instructive
as that yielded at Clermont concerning the consumption of bread.
Certain diseases show a verv resrular annual curve. This is
notably the ease with scarlet fever. Caiger found that 1008 cases
of scarlet fever admitted to a London fever hospital during 1890
showed a marked seasonal prevalence: there was a minor climax
in May (repeated in July) and a great autumnal climax in Oc-
tober, falling to a minimum in December and January. This
curve corresponds closely to that usually observed in London.^
That it is not peculiar to London, or to an urban district, I find
by turnins: at random to the Countv Council'? record of a Cornish
rural district (Truro Eural District, 1895). Although only deal-
ing with a handful of cases, this curve shows nearly the same
spring minor maximum (in April and May), and precisely the
same autumnal maximum in October, as the large London curve.
How closely this result resembles the sexual ecbolic curve I need
not insist.
So persistent a disturbing element in spring and autumn
suggests that some physiological conditions underlie it, and that
there is a real metabolic disturbance at these times of the year.
So few continuous observations have yet been made on the
metabolic processes of the body that it is not easy to verify such
a surmise with absolute precision. Edward Smith's investiga-
tions, so far as they go, support it, and Perry-Coste's long-con-
tinued observations of pulse-frequency seem to show with fair
regularity a maximum in early spring and another maximum in
late autumn. I may also note that Haig. who has devoted many
years of observations to the phenomena of uric-acid excretion,
finds that uric acid tends to be highest in the spring months
'Lancet, Juno G, 1801. Kdward Sniitli had pointed out many yoara
earlier 1h;if scarlft frvcr i^ iii(i«t fntnl in periods of increasing vitality.
THE niEXOMENA OF SEXUAL PERIODICITY. 109
(March, April, May) and lowest at the first onset of cold in
October.^
Thus, while the sexual climaxes of spring and autumn are
rooted in animal procreative cycles which in man have found ex-
pression in primitive festivals, — these, .again, perhaps, strength-
ening and developing the sexual rhythm, — they yet have a wider
significance. The}'' constitute one among many manifestations of
spring and autumn physiological disturbance corresponding with
fair precision to the vernal and autumnal equinoxes. They re-
semble those periods of atmospheric tension, of storm and wind,
which accompany the spring and autumn phases in the earth^s
rhythm, and they may fairly be regarded as ultimately a physio-
looical reaction to those cosmic influences.
^Haig, "Uric Acid," 4th edition, 1897, p. 27.
AITO-EKOTISM: A STUDY OF THE SPOXTAXEOUS
MANIFEST ATIOXS OF THE SEXUAL IMPULSE.
Definition of Auio-t'ioti>ni — ^lasuiibation only Covers a Small
Portion of the Auto-erotie Field — The Importance of this Study, espe-
cially To-day — Auto-erotic Phenomena in Animals — Among Savage and
Barbaric Eaces — The Japanese rin-notama and other Special Instru-
ments for Obtaining Auto-erotic Gratification — Abuse of the Ordinary
Implements and Objects of Daily Life — The Frequency of Hair-pin in the
JBladder — The Influence of Horse-exercise and Raihvav-travelinf]r — The
Sewing-machine and the Bicycle — Spontaneous Passive Sexual Excite-
ment— Delectatio Morosa — Day-dreaming — PoUutio — Sexual Excitement
during Sleep — Differences in the Erotic Dreams of Men and Women —
Tlie Auto-erotic Phenomena of Sleep in the Hysterical — Their Frequently
Painful Character.
By ^•'auto-erotism" I mean the phenomena* of spontaneous
sexual emotion generated in the absence of an external stimulus
proceeding, directly or indirectly, from another person. In a
wide sense, which cannot be wholly ignored here, auto-erotism
may be said to include those transformations of repressed sexual
activity which are a factor of some morbid conditions as well as
of the normal manifestation of art and poetry, and, indeed, more
or less color the whole of life.
Such a definition excludes the normal sexual excitement
aroused by the presence of a beloved person of the opposite sex;
it also excludes the perverted sexuality associated with an attrac-
tion to a person of the same sex: it further excludes the mani-
fold forms of erotic fetichism, in which the normal focus of
sexual attraction is displaced, and voluptuous emotions are only
aroused by some object — hair, shoes, garments, etc. — which, to
the ordinary lover, are of subordinate — though still, indeed, con-
siderable— importance. The auto-f-rnlir- field remains extensive;
(110)
AUTO-EROTISM. Ill
it ranges from occasional voluptuous day-dreams, in which the
subject is entirely passive, to the perpetual unashamed efforts at
sexual self-manipulation witnessed among the insane. It also
includes, though chiefly as curiosities, those cases in which indi-
viduals fall in love with themselves. Among auto-erotic phe-
nomena, or on the border-land, we must further include those
religious sexual manifestations for an ideal object, of which we
may find evidence in the lives of saints and ecstatics.^ The typ-
ical form of auto-erotism is the occurrence of the sexual orgasm
during sleep.
I do not know that any apology is needful for the invention
of the term ^'auto-erotism/*- There is no existing word in cur-
rent use to indicate the whole range of phenomena I am here
concerned with. AYe are familiar with "masturbation,'" but that,
strictly speaking, only covers a special and arbitrary subdivision
of the field, although, it is true, the subdivision with which phy-
sicians and alienists have chiefly occupied themselves. "Self-
abuse" is somewhat wider, but by no means covers the whole
ground, while for various reasons it is an unsatisfactory term.
"Onanism*^ is largely used, especially in France, and some writers
even include all forms of homosexual connection under this name;
it may be convenient to do so from a physiological point of view,
but it is a confusing and antiquated mode of procedure, and from
the psychological stand-point altogether illegitimate; "onanism''
ought never to be used in this connection, if only on the ground
that Onan's device was not auto-erotic, but was an early example
of withdrawal before emission, or coitus interrupius.
While the name that I have chosen may possibly not be the
^ See Appendix C.
- Letamendi, of Madrid, has suggested "aiito-erastin" to cover what
is probably much the same field. In the beginning of the century Hufe-
land. in his "Makrobiotic." invented the term "geistige Onanie" to express
the filling and heating of the imagination with voluptuous images, with-
out unchastity of body; and in 1844 Kaan. in his "Psychopathia Sexu-
alis" used, but did not invent, the terra "onania psycMcaJ' Gustav
Jaeger, in his "Entdeckung der Seele," proposed "monosexual idiosyn-
crasy" to indicate the most animal forms of masturbation taking place
without any correlative imaginative element, a condition illustrated by
cases given in Moll's "Untersuchungen fiber die Libido Sexualis." B. i,
pp. 13 ct seq. But all these terms only cover a portion of the field.
112 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
best, there should be no question as to the importance of group-
ing all these phenomena together. It seems to me that this field
has rarely been viewed in a scientifically sound and morallv sane
»/ V ft.
light, simply because it has not been viewed as a whole. We have
made it difficult so to view it by directing our attention on the
special group of auto-erotic facts — that group included under
masturbation — which was most easy to observe and which in an
extreme form came plainly under medical observation in insanity
and allied conditions, and we have wilfully torn this group of
facts away from the larger group to which it naturally belongs.
The questions which have been so widel}', so diversely, and — it
must unfortunately be added — often so mischievously discussed,
concerning the nature and evils of masturbation are not seen in
their true light and proportions until we realize that masturba-
tion is but a specialized form of a tendency which in some form
or in some degree normally affects not only man, but all the
higher animals. From a medical point of view it is often con-
venient to regard masturbation as an isolated fact; but in order
to understand it we must bear in mind its relationships. In this
study of auto-erotism I shall frequently have occasion to refer to
the old entity of "masturbation,^^ because it has been more care-
fully studied than any other part of the auto-erotic field; but I
hope it will always be borne in mind that the psychological sig-
nificance and even the medical diagnostic value of masturbation
cannot be appreciated unless we realize that it is an artificial sub-
division of a great group of natural facts.
The study of auto-erotism is far from being an unimpor-
tant or merely curious study. Yet psychologists, medical and
non-medical, almost without exception, treat its manifestations —
when they refer to tliem at all — in a dogmatic and off-hand man-
ner which is far from scientific. It is not surprising, therefore,
that the most widely divergent opinions are expressed. Nor is
it surprising that ignorant and chaotic notions among the gen-
eral population should lead to results that would be ludicrous if
they were not pathetic. To mention one instance known to me:
a maiTied lady who is a leader in social-purity movements and an
enthusiast for sexual chastity, discovered, through reading some
AUTO-EROTISM. 113
pamphlet against solitary vice, that she had herself been prac-
ticing masturbation for years without knowing it. The pro-
found anguish and hopeless despair of this woman in face of what
she believed to be the moral ruin of her whole life cannot well
be described. It would be easy to give further examples, though
scarcely a more striking one, to s-how the utter confusion into
which we are thrown by leaving this matter in the hands of blind
leaders of the blind. Moreover, the conditions of modern civil-
ization render auto-erotism a matter of increasing social sig-
nificance. As our marriage-rate declines, and as illicit sexual
relationships are, in England at all events, openly discouraged,
it is absolutely inevitable that auto-erotic phenomena of one kind
or another, not only among women, but also among men, should
increase among us, both in amount and intensity.^ It becomes,
therefore, a matter of some importance, both to the moralist and
the ■ph3^sician, to investigate the psychological nature of these
phenomena and to decide precisely what their attitude should
be toward them.
I do not purpose here to enter into a thorough discussion of
all the aspects of auto-erotism. That would involve a very ex-
tensive study indeed. I wish to consider briefly certain salient
points concerning auto-erotic phenomena,- especially their prev-
alence, their nature, and their moral, physical, and other effects.
I base my study partly on the facts and opinions which during
the last twenty years have been scattered through the periodical
and other medical literature of Europe and America; and partly
on the experience of individuals, especially of fairly normal in-
dividuals. I could wish information gained in the latter way more
extensive, but unfortunately the number of normal persons whom
one may question on such points with the certainty of receiving
reliable answers is necessarily limited.
^A friend Uving in India writes: "From certain facts which have
lately come to my knowledge, I believe masturbation is not uncommon
among Englishmen in India, who, unless they are married, are quite cut
off from any intercourse with white women. Many of them have an
intense repugnance to sexual relations with native women, and are
practically forced to help themselves in some other way. In the cases
I know of neither health nor mental power seems to have suffered."
8
114 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Among animals in isolation, and sometimes in freedom —
though this can less often be observed — it is well known that
various forms of spontaneous solitary sexual excitement occur.
Horses when leading a laz}- life may be observed flapping the
penis until some degree of emission takes place. Welsh ponies,
I learn from a man who has had much experience with these ani-
mals, habitually produce erections and emissions in their stalls;
they do not bring their hind quarters up during this process, and
they close their eyes, which does not take place when they have
congress with mares. The same informant observed that bulls
and goats produce emissions by using their forelegs as a stim-
ulus, bringing up their hind quarters, and mares rub themselves
against objects. Stags in the rutting season, when they have no
partners, rub themselves against trees to produce ejaculation.
Sheep masturbate; as also do camels, pressing themselves down
against convenient objects; and elephants compress the penis
between the hind legs to obtain emissions. Blumenbach observed
a bear act somewhat similarly on seeing other bears coupling.
Mammary masturbation, remarks Fere, is found in certain female
and even male animals, like the dog and the cat.^ Apes are much
given to masturbation, even in freedom, according to the evidence
of good observers; while no female apes are celebates, many of
the males are obliged to lead a life of celibacy.- Male monkeys
use the hand in masturbation, to rub and shake the penis. ^
In the human species these phenomena are by no means
found in civilization alone. To whatever extent masturbation
may have been developed by the conditions of European life,
which carrv to the utmost extreme the concomitant stimulation
and repression of the sexual emotions, it is far from being, as
^fnutoirnzza has declared it to be, one of the moral characteristics
1
YOiO, "Perversions se.xuelles chez les aniniau.x," Revue Pliiloso-
phique. May, 1897.
•Tillier. "f.'Ttistinct Sexuel." 1889, p. 270.
^Moll, "I.ibido Sexualis." B. 1, p. 7C. The same author mentions
(ibid., p. 'M'.i) that parrots living in solitary confinement masturbate by
rub})infr the posterior part of the body against some object tintil ejaeula-
tidji occurs.
AUTO-EllOTISM. 115
of Europeans.^ It is found among the people of nearly every
race of which we have any intimate knowledge, however natural
the conditions under which men and women may live.- Thus,
among the Xama Hottentots, among the young women, at all
events, Gustav Fritsch found that masturbation is so common
that it is regarded as a custom of the country; no secret is made
of it, and in the stories and legends of the race it is treated as
one of the most ordinary facts of life. It is so also among the
Basutos, and the Katlirs are addicted to the same habit. '^ When
the Spaniards first arrived at Vizaya and the Philippines, they
found that masturbation was universal, and that it was customary
for the women to use an artificial penis and other abnormal
methods of sexual gratification. Among the Balinese, according
to Jacobs (as quoted by Ploss and Bartels), masturbation is gen-
eral; in the boudoir of many a Bali beauty, he adds, and certainly
in every harem, may be found a wax penis to which many hours
of solitude are devoted. Throughout the East, as Eram, speak-
ing from a long medical experience, has declared, masturbation
is very prevalent, especially among young girls. In India, a med-
ical correspondent tells me, he once treated the w^idow of a
wealthy Mohammedan, who informed him that she began mas-
turbation at an early age, ^^just like all other women.^' The same
informant tells me that on the fagade of a large temple in Orissa
are bas-reliefs, representing both men and women, alone, mas-
^ Dr. J. W. Howe ("Excessive Venery, Masturbation, and Conti
nenee." London and New York, 1883, p. 62) writes of masturbation: "In
savage lands it is of rare occurrence. Savages live in a state of Nature.
No moral obligations exist which compel them to abstain from a natural
gratification of their passions. There is no social law which prevents
them from following the dictates of their lower nature. Hence, they
have no reason for adopting onanism as an outlet for passions. The
moral trammels of civilized society and ignorance of physiological laws
give origin to the vice." Every one of these six sentences is incorrect or
misleading. They are worth quoting as a statement of the popular view
of savage life.
-I cannot recall any evidence of its existence among the Australian
aborigines. Thus. Dr. W. Roth ("Ethnological Studies among the North-
west-Central Queensland Aborigines," p. 184), who has carefully studied
the blacks of his district, remarks that he has no evidence as to the
practice of either masturbation or sodomy among them.
^ Greenlees, Journal of Mental Science, July, 1895.
ll(i PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
turbating, and also women masturbating men. Among the
Tamils of Ceylon masturbation is said to be common. In Cochin
China, Lorion remarks, it is practiced by both sexes, but espe-
cially by the married women. ^ Japanese women have probably
carried the mechanical arts of auto-erotism to the highest deorree
of perfection. They use two hollow balls about the size of a
pigeon^s egg (sometimes one alone is used), which, as described
by Joest, Christian, and others,- are made of very thin leaf of
brass; one is empty, the other (called the little man) contains a
small heavy metal ball, or else some quicksilver, and sometimes
metal tongues, which vibrate when set in movement; so that if
the balls are held in the hand side by side there is a continuous
movement. The empty one is first introduced into the vagina
in contact with the uterus, then the other; the slightest move-
ment of the pelvis or thighs, or even spontaneous movement of
the organs, causes the metal ball (or the quicksilver) to roll, and
the resulting vibration produces a prolonged voluptuous titilla-
tion, a gentle shock as from a weak electric inductive apparatus;
the balls are called rin-no-tama, and are held in tlie vagina by
a paper tampon. The women who use these balls delight to swing
themselves in a hammock or rocking-chair, the delicate vibration
of the balls slowly producing the highest degree of sexual excite-
ment. Joest mentions that this apparatus, though well known
by name to ordinary girls, is chiefly used by the more fashionable
geishas, as well as by prostitutes. Its use has now spread to
China, Annam, and India. In China, also, the artificial penis —
made of rosin, supple and (like the classical instrument described
by Ilerondas) rose-colored — is publicly sold and widely used by
women.
It may be noticed that among non-European races it is
among women, and especially among those who are subjected to
'"La Criminalite en Cochin-Chino," 1S87, ]). 110; also MondiOro,
"Monograpliio do la Femmo Aiinaniite." Mcmoires Soci6t6 d'Anthro-
polo^ie. tome ii, p. 4(1").
- Christian, article on "Onanisino." Dictionnairo cncycldix'diquc dcs
sciences niedicales; Ploss and I^artcls, "Das Weib"; Morap;lia, "Die
Onanic hoini normalen Weibe," Zeitschrift fiir Criminal-Anthropologie,
1897.
AUTO-EROTISM. 117
the excitement of a life professionally devoted to some form of
pleasure, that the use of the artificial instruments of auto-erotism
is chiefly practiced. The same is markedly true in Europe. The
use of an artificial penis in solitary sexual gratification may be
traced down from classical times. ^ The Lesbian women are said
to have used such instruments made of ivory or gold, with silken
stuffs and linen. Aristophanes ("Lysistrata/' v. 109) speaks of
the use by the Milesian women of a leather artificial penis, or
olisbos. In the British Museum is a vase representing a hetaira
holding such instruments, which, as found at Pompeii, may be
seen in the museum at Xaples. One of the best of Herondas's
mimes, "The Private Conversation,''' presents a dialogue between
two ladies concerning a certain olishos (or fjaviSdiV ), which one
of them vaunts as a dream of delight. Through the middle ages
(when from time to time the clergy reprobated the use of such
instruments) to the Elizabethan age, when Marston, in his satires,
tells how Lucea prefers "a glassy instrument" to "'her husband^s
lukewarm bed," dowm to the present day, somewhat similar ap-
pliances may be traced in all centres of civilization. But through-
out they appear to be largely confined to the world of prostitutes
and to those women who live on the fashionable or semi-artistic
verge of that world. Ignorance and delicacy combine with a less
versatile and perverted concentration on the sexual impulse to
prevent any general recourse to such highly specialized methods
of solitar}' gratification.
On the other hand, the use, or rather abuse, of the ordinary
objects and implements of daily life in obtaining auto-erotic
gratification, among the ordinary population in civilized modern
lands, has reached an extraordinary degree of extent and variety
which we can only feebly estimate by the occasional resulting
mischances which reach the surgeon's hands, because only a cer-
^ The ppiiis .'^uccrddneust, remarks Hurton in notes to "Arabian
Nights," the Latin plmUns or fascinum, is in France called godcmiche, in
Italy imsmtcmpo and also diJrttn. whence dildo. by which it is most
commonly known in England. For men the corresponding cumnis siic-
ccdanens is in England called merK'in, which meant originally (as defined
in old editions of Bailey's "Dictionary") "counterfeit hair for women's
private parts."
118 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
tain proportion of such instruments are dangerous. Thus the
banana seems to he widely used for masturbation by women, and
appears to be marked out for the purpose by its size and shape
(the mythology of Hawaii, one may note, tells of goddesses who
were impregnated by bananas they had placed beneath their gar-
ments); it is, however, innocuous, and never comes under the
surgeon's notice; the same may probably be said of the cucum-
bers and other vegetables more especially used by country and
factory girls in masturbation: a lady living near Vichy told
Pouillet that she had often heard (and had herself been able to
verify the fact) that the young peasant Avomen commonly used
turnips, carrots, and beet-roots. In the last century Mirabeau,
in his "Erotika Biblion," gave a list of the various objects used
in convents (which he describes as "vast theatres" of such prac-
tices) to obtain solitarv sexual excitement. In more recent years
the following are a few of the objects found in the vagina or blad-
der whence they could only be removed by surgical interference:^
Pencils, sticks of sealing-wax, cotton-reels, hair-pins (and in Italy
very commonly the bone-pins used in the hair), bodkins, knitting-
needles, crochet-needles, needle-cases, compasses, glass stoppers,
candles, corks, tumblers, forks, tooth-picks, tooth-brushes, pom-
ade-pots (in a case recorded by Schroeder with a cockchafer in-
side, a makeshift substitute for the Japanese rin-no-tama), while
in one recent English case a full-sized hen's cg^^ was removed
from the vagina of a middle-aged married woman. More than
nine-tenths of the foreign bodies found in the female bladder
or urethra are due to masturbation. The age of the individuals
in whom such objects have been found is usually from 17 to 30,
1)iit in n few en>os tliov have been found in 2firls below 11, in-
* See, e.f}.. ^\■iTlr•kcl. "Die Kiiinklicitoii dor woiblichcn llanirolirc iind
Blase," 188.5! p. 211: juul "r.olirbiich dor Friuionkrankhoilon."' lSS(i, p.
210. fJriinfold (\\'ionor modieinisohor l^laitor, Xovoiiibor 20, 189G), col-
loctcd 115 cases of foreign body in the bladder— 08 in men, 47 in women;
hut Avhile those found in men were usually the result of a surgical acci-
dent, those found in women were moslly introduced by the ])atients
themselves. The ])atient usually ])rofesses profound ifjuorance as to how
the object came there; or she explains that she accidentally sat down
U[)on it. or fin Ihe case of ihe bhulder) that she used it to produce freer
urination.
AUTO-EROTISM. 119
frequently in women between 40 and 50; the large objects,
naturally, are found chiefly in the vagina, and in married women. ^
Hair-pins have, above all, been found in the female bladder
with special frequency; this point is worth some consideration
as an illustration of the enormous frequency of this form of auto-
erotism. The female urethra is not usually regarded as a normal
centre of sexual feeling; so that the introduction of an object
into it can only occur by mistake or by perversion of sexual feel-
ing.- It should be added that when once introduced the physio-
logical mechanism of the bladder apparently causes the organ to
tend to "swallow" the object. Moreover, for every case in which
the hair-pin disappears and is lost in the bladder, from careless-
ness or the oblivion of the sexual spasm, there must be a vast
number of cases in which the instrument is used without any
such unfortunate result. There is thus great significance in the
frequency w4th which cases of hair-pin in the bladder are strewn
throughout the medical literature of all countries. In 1862 a
German surgeon found the accident so common that he invented
a special instrument for extracting hair-pins from the female
bladder, as, indeed, Italian and French surgeons have also done.
In France, Denuce, of Bordeaux, came to the conclusion that
hair-pin in the bladder is the commonest result of masturbation
as known to the surgeon. In England cases are constantly being
recorded. In Xew York one physician met with four cases in a
short experience.^ In Switzerland Professor Eeverdin had a pre-
cisely similar experience.*
^ A. Poulet, "Traite des Corps strangers en Chirurgie,*' 1879. Eng-
lish translation, 1881, vol. ii, pp. 209-239. Rohleder ("Die Masturbation,"
1899, pp. 24-31) also gives examples of strange objects found in the
sexual organs.
- Pouillet, however, has suggested that the glands around the
meatus and the erectile tissue of the urethra render this region a centre
of voluptuous sensation.
^ Dudley, American Journal of Obstetrics, July, 1889, p. 758.
* A. Reverdin, "Epingles a Cheveux dans la Vessie," Revue Medicale
de la Suisse Romande. January 20, 1888. His cases are fully recorded
and his paper is an able and interesting contribution to this by-way of
sexual psychology. The first case was a school-master's wife, aged 22,
who confessed in her husband's presence, without embarrassment or hesi-
tation, that the maneuver was habitual, learned from a school-companion,
and continued after marriage. The second was a single woman of 42,
12U PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
There is, however, another class of material objects, widely
employed for producing physical aiito-erotism, which in the
nature of things never reaches the surgeon. I refer to the effects
that, naturally or unnaturally, may be produced by many of the
implements of daily life that do not come in direct contact with
the sexual organs. Children sometimes, even when scarcely more
than infants, produce sexual excitement by friction against the
corner of a chair or other piece of furniture, and women some-
times do the same.^ Girls in France, I am informed, are fond of
riding on the chevaux-de-hois, or hobby horses, because of the
sexual excitement thus aroused; and that the sexual emotions
play a part in the fascination exerted by this form of amusement
everywhere is indicated by the ecstatic faces of its devotees. At
the temples in some parts of Central India, I am told, swings are
hung up in pairs, men and women swinging in these until sex-
ually excited; during the months when the men in these dis-
tricts have to be away from home the girls put up swings to con-
sole themselves for the loss of their husbands.
Several writers have pointed out that riding, especially in
women, may produce sexual excitement and orgasm.- It is well
known, also, that both in men and women the vibratory motion
of a railway-train frequently produces a certain degree of sexual
excitement, especially when sitting forward. Such excitement
a ciirc's servant, who attempted to elude confession, but on leavino: the
doctor's house remarked to the house-maid, "Never go to bed without
takinp^ out your hair-])ins; accidents liappen so easily." Tlic third was
an Knglisli girl of 17, who finally acknowledged that she had lost two
hair-pins in this way. The fourth was a child of 12. driven by the pain
to confess that the practice had become a habit with her.
^ "One of my patients," remarks Dr. E. T. ]Morris, of New York
("Transactions of the American Association of Obstetricians for 1892."
Philadelphia, vol. v), "who is a devout church-member, liad never al-
lowed herself to entertain sexual thouglits referring to men. but she
masturl)ated every morning when standing before the mirror, by rubbing
against a key in the bureau-drawer. A man never excited her ])assions,
but the sight of a key in any bureau-drawer aroused erotic desires."
^ The fact that horse-exercises may produce pollutions was well
recognized by Catholic theologians, and Sanchez states that this fact
need not be made a reason for traveling on foot. Rohleder ("Die Mas-
turbation," pp. 13.3-134) brings together evidenc(> regarding tlie influence
of horse-exercise in j)roducing sexual excitement.
AUTO-EROTISM. 121
may remain latent and not become specifically sexual.^ I am not
aware that this quality of railway-traveling has ever been fostered
as a sexual perversion, but the sewing-machine, especially in
France, has attracted considerable attention on account of its
influence in exciting auto-erotic manipulations. According to
one French authority, it is a well-recognized fact that to work a
sewing-machine with the body in a certain position produces sex-
ual excitement leading to the orgasm. The occurrence of the
orgasm is indicated to the observer by the machine being worked
for a few seconds with uncontrollable rapidity. This sound is
said to be frequently heard in large French work-rooms, and it
is part of the duty of the superintendents of the rooms to make
the girls sit properl}^^
"During a visit which I once paid to a manufactory of military
clothing," Pouillet writes, "I witnessed the ioUowing scene: —
"In the midst of the uniform sound produced by some thirty sew-
ing-machines. I suddenly heard one of the machines working with much
more velocity than the others. I looked at the person who was working
it, a brunette of 18 or 20. While she was automatically occupied with
the trousers she was making on the machine her face became animated,
her mouth opened slightly, her nostrils dilated, her feet moved the pedals
Avith constantly increasing rapidity. Soon I saw a convulsive look in
her eyes, her eyelids were lowered, her face turned pale and was thrown
backward; hands and legs stopped and became extended; a suffocated
cry, followed by a long sigh, was lost in the noise of the work-room.
The girl remained motionless a few seconds, drew out her hankerchief
to wipe a\\ay the pearls of sweat from her forehead, and after casting
a timid and ashamed glance at her companions resumed her work.
The forewoman, who acted as my guide, having observed the direction
of my gaze, took me up to the girl, who blushed, lowered her face, and
murmured some incoherent words before the forewoman had opened her
mouth, to advise her to sit fully on tlie chair, and not on its edge.
"As I was leaving I heard another machine at another part of the
^ A correspondent to whom the idea was presented for the first
time, wrote: "Henceforward I shall know to what I must attribute the
bliss — almost the beatitude — I so often have experienced after traveling
for four or five hours in a train." Penta mentions the case of a young
girl who first experienced sexual desire at the age of twelve after a rail-
way journey.
^Pouillet, "L'onanisme chez la Femme," Paris, 1880; Foumier, "De
I'onanisme," 1885; Rohleder, "Die Masturbation,' p. 132.
122 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
room in accelerated movement. The forewoman smiled at me, and re-
marked that that was so frequent that it attracted no notice. It was
specially observed, she told me, in the case of young work-girls, ap-
prentices, and those who sat on the edge of their seats, thus much facili-
tating friction of the labia."
In cases where the sewing-machine does not lead to direct
self-excitement, it has been held, as b}^ Fothergill/ to predispose
to frequency of involuntary sexual orgasm during sleep, from the
irritation set up by the movement of the feet in the sitting
posture during the da}^ The essential movement in working the
sewino:-machine is the flexion and extension of the ankle, but
the muscles of the thighs are used to maintain the feet firmly
on the treadle, the thighs are held together, and there is a con-
siderable degree of flexion or extension of the thighs on the
trunk; by a special adjustment of the body, and sometimes per-
haps merely in the presence of sexual hyperesthesia, it is thus
possible to act upon the sexual organs; but this is by no means
a necessary result of using the sewing-machine, and inquiry of
various women, with well-developed sexual feelings, who are ac-
customed to work the treadle, has not shown the presence of any
tendency in this direction.
Sexual irritation may also be produced by the bicycle in
women. Thus, Moll- remarks that he knows many married
women, and some unmarried, who experience sexual excitement
when cycling; in several cases he has ascertained that the excite-
ment is carried as far as complete orgasm. This result cannot,
however, easily happen unless the seat is too high, the peak in
contact with the organs, and a rolling movement is adopted; in
the absence of marked hyperesthesia these results are only ef-
fected by a bad seat or an improper attitude, the body during
cycling resting under proper conditions on the buttocks, and
tlie work being mainly done by the muscles of the thighs and
legs which control the ankles, flexion of the thigh on the pelvis
being very small. Most medical authorities on cycling — English,
French, and American — are of opinion that when cycling leads
' "West-Kiding Asvlum Koports." 187G. vol. vi.
-"Das Nervr.se Weib," 185)8, p. 193.
AUTO-EROTiSM. 123
to sexual excitement the fault lies more with the woman than
with the machine. This conclusion docs not appear to me to be
absolutely correct. I find on inquiry that with the old-fashioned
saddle, with an elevated peak rising toward the pubes, a certain
degree of sexual excitement, not usually producing the orgasm
(but, as one lady expressed it, making one feel quite ready for it)
is fairly common among women. Professor Lydston finds that
irritation of the genital organs may unquestionably be produced
in both males and females by cycling. The aggravation of hem-
orrhoids sometimes produced by cycling indicates also the tend-
ency to local congestion. With the improved fiat saddles, how-
ever, constructed with more definite adjustment to the anatomical
formation of the parts, this general tendency is reduced to a
negligible minimum.
In a further class of cases no external object whatever is used
to procure the sexual orgasm, but the more or less voluntary
pressure of the thighs alone is brought to bear upon the sexual
regions. It is done either when sitting or standing, the thighs
being placed together and firmly crossed, and the pelvis rocked
so that the sexual organs are pressed against the inner and poste-
rior parts of the thighs.^ This is sometimes done by men, and is
fairly common among women, especially, according to Marti-
neau,- among those who sit much, such as dress-makers and
milliners, those who use the sewing-machine, and those who ride.
Vedeler remarks that in his experience in Scandinavia thigli-
friction is the commonest form of masturbation in women. It
is found in female infants. Thus, Townsend records the case of
an infant, 8 months old, who would cross Ker right thigh over
the left, close her eves and clench her fists; after a minute or two
^ Some women are also able to produce the orgasm. Avlien in a state
of sexual excitement, by placing a cushion between the knees and press-
ing the thighs firmly together.
■^ "LcQons sur les Deformations Vulvaires," p. G4. Martineau Avas
informed by a dress-maker that it is very frequent in work-rooms and
can usually be done without attracting attention. An ironcr informed
him that while standing at her work she crossed her legs, slightly bend-
ing the trunk forward and su])porting herself on the table by the hands;
then a few movements of contraction of the adductor muscles of the
thigh would suffice to produce the orgasm.
124 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
there would be complete relaxation, with sweating and redness
of face; this would occur about once a week or oftener; the child
was quite healthy, with no abnormal condition of the genital
organs/
Most of the foregoing examples of auto-erotism are com-
monly included, by no means correctly, under the heading of
^'masturbation/'' There are, however, a vast number of people,
possessing strong sexual emotions and living a solitary life, who
experience, sometimes by instinct and sometimes on moral
grounds, a strong repugnance for these manifestations of auto-
erotism. As one highly intelligent lady writes: ^*T have some-
times wondered whether I could produce it (complete sexual
excitement) mechanically, but I have a curious unreasonable
repugnance to trying the experiment. It would materialize it too
much." The same repugnance may be traced in the tendency
to avoid, so far as possible, the use of the hands. It is quite
common to find this instinctive unreasoning repugnance among
women, a healthy repugnance, not founded on any moral ground.
In men the same repugnance exists, more often combined with,
or replaced by, a very strong moral and esthetic objection to such
practices. But the presence of such a repugnance, however in-
vincible, is very far from carrying us outside the auto-erotic
field. The production of the sexual orgasm is not necessarily
dependent on any external contact or voluntary mechanical cause.
As an example, though not of specifically auto-erotic mani-
festations, I may mention the case of a man of 57, a somewhat
eccentric preacher, etc., who writes: "My whole nature goes out
so to some persons, and they thrill and stir me so that I have an
emission while sitting by them with no thought of sex, only the
gladness of soul found its way out thus, and a glow of health
suffused the whole body. There was no spasmodic conclusion,
but a pleasing gentle sensation as the few drops of semen passed."
(In reality, no doubt, not semen, but prostatic fluid.) This man's
condition mav cortnirilv bo considered somewhat morbid; he is
' ('. \V. 'rownsciul, '•'rhijrh-fiic'tion in Children under one Year."
Annual Moclinj? of flic Anicriciin Pediatric Society, Montreal, 189(5. Five
cases are recorded bv this writer, all in female infants.
AUTO-EROTISM. 125
attracted to both men and women, and the sexual impulse seems
to be irritable and weak; but a similar state of things exists so
often in women, no doubt due to sexual repression, and in indi-
viduals who are in a general state of normal and good health, that
in these it can scarcely be called morbid. Brooding on sex-
ual images, which the theologians termed delectatio morosa, may
lead to spontaneous orgasm in either sex, even in perfectly nor-
mal persons. If the orgasm occurs spontaneously, without the
aid of mental impressions, or any manipulations ad hoc, though
under such conditions it ceases to be sinful from the theological
stand-point, it certainly ceases also to be normal. Serieux records
the case of a somewhat neurotic woman of 50, who had been sep-
arated from her husband for ten years, and since lived a chaste
life; at this age, however, she became subject to violent crises
of sexual orgasm, which w^ould come on without any accom-
paniment of voluptuous thoughts. MacGillicuddy records three
cases of spontaneous orgasm in women coming under his notice.^
Such crises are frequently found in those unfortunate victims ot
sexual repression, both men and women, who, from moral reasons,
ignorance, or on other grounds, are restrained from attaining the
complete sexual orgasm, but whose sexual emotions are, literally,
continually dribbling from them. Schrenck-Notzing knows a
lady who is spontaneously sexually excited on hearing music or
seeing pictures without anything lascivious in them; she knows
nothing of sexual relationships. Another lady is sexually ex-
cited on seeing beautiful and natural scenes, like the sea; sexual
ideas are mixed up in her mind with these things, and the con-
templation of a specially strong and sympathetic man brings the
orgasm on in about a minute. Both these ladies "masturbate" in
the streets, restaurants, railways, theatres, without anyone per-
ceiving it.^ Evidently under these conditions there is a state
of hyperesthetic weakness. Such cases are far from rare, but I
do not purpose to deal with them here. They may more properly
be considered when dealins^ with the sensorv excitants of the
sexual emotions.
^ "i^'imctional Disorders of the Nervous System in Women," p. 114.
- Schrenck-Notzing. "Suggestions-therapie," p. 13.
126 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
There is, however, a closely allied and, indeed, overlapping
form of auto-erotism which mav be considered here: I mean
that associated with revery, or day-dreaming. Although this is a
very common and important form of auto-erotism, besides being
in a large proportion of cases the early stage of masturbation,
it appears to have attracted little attention.^ The day-dream
has, indeed, been studied in its chief form, in the ^'continued
story," by Mabel Learoyd, of Wellesley College. The continued
story is an imagined narrative, more or less peculiar to the indi-
vidual, by whom it is cherished with fondness, and regarded as
an especially sacred mental possession, to be shared only, if at
all, with very sympathizing friends. It is much commoner among
girls and young women than among bo3'S and young men; among
352 persons of both sexes, 47 per cent, among the women and
only 14 per cent, among the men, have any continued story.
The starting-point is an incident from a book, or, more usually,
some actual experience, which the subject develops; the subject
is nearly always the hero or the heroine of the story. The growth
of the story is favored by solitude, and lying in bed before going
to sleep is the time specially sacred to its cultivation.^ No dis-
tinct reference, perhaps naturally enough, is made by Miss
Learoyd to the element of sexual emotion with which these stories
are often strongly tinged, and which is frequently their real
motive. It is not uncommon to find, though by no means easy
to detect, these elaborate and more or less erotic day-dreams in
young men and especially young women. Eacli individual has
his own particular dream, which is always varying or develojiing,
but, except in very imaginative persons, to no great extent. Such
a day-dream is often founded on a basis of pleasurable personal
experience, and develops on that basis. It may involve an ele-
ment of perversity, even though that element finds no expression
in real life. It is, of course, mainly fostered by sexual abstinence;
' J.anct lias, liowcvor. rooontly used day-dreaming — whieli he calls
'•rrrnirs siihcoiisciriits" — to explain a remarkable rase of demon-posses-
sion which he investigated and cured, "Xevroses et Idees fixes." vol. i.
pp. 390 et seq.
-"Minor Stiidics from the Psycholofrical Laboratory of Wellesley
Collepe." American Journal of Psychology, vol. vii, No. 1.
AUTO-EROTISM. 127
whence its frequency in young women. Most usually there is little
attempt to realize it. It does not necessarily lead to masturba-
tion, though it often causes some sexual congestion or even spon-
taneous sexual orgasm. The day-dream is a strictly private and
intimate experience, not only from its very nature, but also be-
cause it occurs in images which the subject finds great difficulty
in translating into language, even when willing to do so. In
other cases it is elaboratelv dramatic or romantic in character,
the hero or heroine passing through many experiences before at-
tainino^ the erotic climax of the storv. This climax tends to
develop in harmony with the subject's growing knowledge or
experience; at first merely a kiss, it may develop into any refine-
ment of voluptuous gratification. The day-dream may occur
either in normal or abnormal persons. Eousseau, in his "Con-
fessions,'' describes such dreams, in his case combined with
masochism and masturbation. A distinguished American nov-
elist, Hamlin Garland, has admirably described in "Rose of
Butchers Coolly" the part played in the erotic day-dreams of a
healthy normal girl at adolescence by a circus-rider, seen on the
first visit to a circus, and becoming a majestic ideal to dominate
the girl's thoughts for many years. Eaffalovich^ describes the
process by which in sexual inverts the vision of a person of the
same sex, perhaps seen in the streets or the theatre, is evoked in
solitary reveries, producing a kind of "'psychic onanism," whether
or not it leads on to physical manifestations.
Although day-dreaming of this kind has at present been
very little studied, since it loves solitude and secrecy, and has
never been counted of sufficient interest for scientific inquisition,
it is really a process of considerable importance, and occupies a
large part of the auto-erotic field. It is largely cultivated by
refined and imaginative young men and women who lead a chaste
life and would often be repelled by masturbation. In such per-
sons, under such circumstances, it must be considered as strictly
normal, the inevitable outcome of the play of the sexual im-
pulse. Xo doubt it may often become morbid, and is never a
"Uranisme," p. 125.
128 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
healthy process when indulged in to excess, as it is liable to be
by refined young people with artistic impulses, to whom it is in
the highest degree seductive and insidious/ As we have seen,
however, day-dreaming is far from always colored by sexual emo-
tion; yet it is a significant indication of its really sexual origin
tliat, as I have been informed by persons of both sexes, even in
these apparently non-sexual cas€S it frequently ceases altogether
on marriage.
Even when we have eliminated all these forms of auto-
erotic activity, however refined, in which the subject takes a
voluntary part, we have still left unexplored an important por-
tion of the auto-erotic field, a portion which many people are
alone inclined to consider normal: sexual orgasm during sleep.
That under conditions of sexual abstinence in healthy individuals
there must inevitably be some auto-erotic manifestations during
waking life a careful study of the facts compels us to believe.
There can be no doubt, also, that, under the same conditions, the
occurrence of the complete orgasm during sleep with, in men,
seminal emissions, is altogether normal. Even Zeus himself, as
Pausanias has recorded, was liable to such accidents: a statement
which, at all events, shows that to the Greek mind there was
nothing derogatory in such an occurrence." The Jews, however,
regarded it as an impurity,^ and the same idea was transmitted
^ Tlie acute Anstie remarked nearly tliirty years ago in his work
on "Neuralgia": "It is a comparatively frequent thing to see an unsocial
solitary life (leading to the habit of masturbation) joined with the bad
influence of an unhealthy ambition prompting to premature and false
work in literature and art." From the literary side M. LOon Bazalgette
has dealt with the tendency in much modern literature to devote itself
to what he calls "menial onanism," of w hicli the probable counterpart,
he seems to hint, is a physical process of auto-erotism. (LC'on Bazalgette,
"L'onanisme considC'rC' commc principe createur en art," Magazine Tnter-
nalionalc, September, 18()(), and r(>piil)lished in the same author's book.
"L'esprit Xouveau," 1898.)
- Pausanias, "Achaia," Chapter XVII. The ancient Babylonians be-
lieved in a certain "maid of the night" who appeared to men in sleep
and loused without satisfying their passions. (Jastrow, "Religion of
Babylonia," p. 202.)
^"If any man's seed of copulation go out from him, then he shall
bathe all his flesh in water and be unclean until the even. And every
gaiiMciil, and e\ery skin, whereon is the scmhI of copulation, shall be
washed with water and be unclean until the even." Leviticus, XV,
v. 10 17.
AUTO-EROTISM. 129
to the Christian church and embodied in the word pollutio, by
which the phenomenon was designated in ecclesiastical phrase-
ology. According to Billuart and other theologians, pollution in
sleep is not sin, unless voluntarily caused; if, however, it begins
in sleep, and is completed in the half-waking state, with a sense
of pleasure, it is a venial sin. It is allowable to permit a nocturnal
pollution to complete itself on awaking, if it occurs without in-
tention; and St. Thomas even says: ^'Si pollutio placeat ut naturce
exoneratio vel alleviatio, peccatum non creditur."
Notwithstanding the fair and logical position of the more distin-
guished Latin theologians, there has certainly been a widely prevalent
belief in Catholic countries that pollution during sleep is a sin. In the
"Parson's Tale" Chaucer makes the parson say: "Another sin apper-
taineth to lechery that cometh in sleeping; and the sin cometh oft to
them that be maidens, and eke to them that be corrupt; and this sin
men clepe pollution, that cometh in four manners"; these four manners
being (1) languishing of body from rank and abundant humors, (2)
infirmity, (3) surfeit of meat and drink, and (4) villainous thoughts.
Four hundred years later Madame Roland, in her "Memoires Particu-
lieres," presented a vivid picture of the anguish produced in an innocent
girl's mind by the notion of the sinfulness of erotic dreams. She men-
struated first at the age of 14. "Before this,',' she writes, "I had some-
times been awakened from the deepest sleep in a surprising manner.
Imagination played no part; I exercised it on too many serious subjects,
and my timorous conscience preserved it from amusement with other
subjects, so that it could not represent what I would not allow it to
seek to understand. But an extraordinary effervescence aroused my
senses in the heat of repose, and by virtue of my excellent constitution
operated by itself a purification which was as strange to me as its cause.
The first feeling which resulted was, I know not why, a sort of fear. I
had observed in my 'Philotee' that we are not allowed to obtain any
pleasure from our bodies except in lawful marriage. What I had ex-
perienced could be called a pleasure. I was then guilty, and in a class
of offences which caused the most shame and sorrow^ since it was that
which was most displeasing to the Spotless Lamb. There was great
agitation in my poor heart, prayers, and mortifications. How could I
avoid it? For, indeed, I had itot foreseen it, but at the instant when I
experienced it, I had not taken the trouble to prevent it. My watchful-
ness became extreme. I scrupulously avoided positions which I found
specially exposed me to the accident. My restlessness became so great
that at last I was able to awake before the catastrophe. When I was
not in time to prevent it, I would jump out of bed with naked feet on
9
130 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
to the polished floor, and m ith crossed arms pray to the Saviour to pre-
serve me from the wiles of the devil. I would then impose some penance
on myself, and I have carried out to the letter what the prophet King
probably only transmitted to us as a figure of Oriental speech, mixing
ashes with my bread, and watering it with my tears."
To the early Protestant mind, as illustrated by Luther, there
was something diseased, though not impure, in sexual excitement
during sleep; thus, in his "Table Talk"' Luther remarks that
girls who have such dreams should be married at once, ^"taking
the medicine which God has given." It is only of recent years
that medical science has obtained currency for the belief that
this auto-erotic process is entirely normal. Sir James Paget de-
clared that he had never known celibate men who had not such
emissions from once or twice a week to twice every three months,
both extremes being within the limits of good health, while Sir
Lauder Brunton considers once a fortnight or once a month about
the usual frequency, at these periods the emissions often follow-
ing two nights in succession. Quite lately there has been some
tendency for medical opinion to revert to the view of Luther and
to regard sexual excitement during sleep as a somewhat unhealthy
phenomenon. Moll is a distinguished advocate of this view.
Sexual excitement during sleep is the normal result of celibacy,
but it is another thin^^ to sav that it is on that account satisfac-
tory. We might then, Moll remarks, maintain that nocturnal in-
continence of urine is satisfactory since the bladder is thus
emptied. Yet we take every precaution against this by Insisting
that the bladder shall be emptied before going to sleep. ^ This
remark is supported by the fact, to which I find that both men
and women can bear witness, that sexual excitement during sleep
is more fatiguing than in the waking state, though this is not an
invariable rule, and it is sometimes found to be refreshing.
So far as I have been able to ascertain, there seem to be,
generally speaking, certain difTorences in the manifestations of
auto-erotism during sleep in men and woineii wliich I believe to
be not without psychological significance. Ju men the phe-
' Moll, "Untersuchungen iiber die Ubido Sexualis," B. 1, p. 552.
AUTO-EROTISM. 131
nomenon is fairly simple; it usually appears about puberty, con-
tinues at intervals of varying duration during sexual life pro-
vided the individual is living chastely, and is generally, though
not always, accompanied by erotic dreams which lead up to the
climax, its occurrence being, to some extent, influenced by a
variety of circumstances: physical, mental, or emotional excite-
ment; alcohol taken before retiring; position in bed (as lying on
the back), the state of the bladder, sometimes the mere fact of
being in a strange bed, and to some extent apparently by the ex-
istence of monthly and yearly rhythms. On the whole, it is a
fairly definite and regular phenomenon which usually leaves little
conscious trace on awaking beyond probably some sense of fatigue
and occasionally a headache. In women, however, the phenomena
of auto-erotism during sleep seem to be much more irregular,
varied, and diffused. So far as I have been able to make inquiries,
it is the exception rather than the rule for girls to experience
definitely erotic dreams about the period of puberty or adoles-
cence.^ Auto-erotic phenomena during sleep in women who have
never experienced the orgasm when awake are usually of a very
vague kind; while it is the rule in a chaste youth for the orgasm
thus to manifest itself, it is the exception in a chaste girl. It is
not, as a rule, until the orgasm has been definitely produced in
the waking state — under whatever conditions it may have been
produced — that it begins to occur during sleep, and even in a
strongly sexual woman living a repressed life it is often com-
paratively infrequent. Thus, a young medical woman who en-
deavors to deal strenuously with her physical sexual emotions
writes: ''1 sleep soundly, and do not dream at all. Occasionally,
but verv rarelv, I have had sensations which awakened me sud-
denly. They can scarcely be called dreams, for they are mere
impulses, nothing connected or coherent, yet prompted, I know.
^ I may here refer to the curious opinion expressed by Dr. Elizabeth
Blackwell, that, while the sexual impulse in man is usually relieved by
seminal emissions during sleep, in women it is relieved by the occurrence
of menstruation. This latter statement is flagrantly at variance with
the facts; but it may perhaps be quoted in support of the view expressed
above as to the comparative rarity of sexual excitement during sleep in
voung girls.
132 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
by sexual feeling. This is probabh- an experience common to
aW It is possible that to this rarity in chaste women of sexual
excitement during sleep we may in part attribute the violence
with which repressed sexual emotion in women often manifests
itself.^ There is thus a difference here between men and women
which is of some significance when we are considering the natural
satisfaction of the sexual impulse in chaste women.
One of the most interesting and important characters by
which the erotic dreams of women — and, indeed, their dreams
generall}^ — differ from those of men is in the tendency to evoke
a repercussion on the waking life, a tendency more rarely noted
in men's erotic dreams, and then only to a minor extent. This
is very common even in healthy and normal women, and is ex-
aggerated to a high degree in neurotic subjects, by whom the
dream may even be interpreted as a realit}^, and so declared on
oath, a fact of practical importance.
Hersman — having met with a case in which a school-girl
with chorea, after having dreamed of an assault, accused the
principal of a school of assault, obtaining his conviction — ob-
tained the opinions of various American alienists as to the fre-
quency with which such dreams in unstable mental subjects lead
to delusions and criminal accusations. Dercum, H. C. "Wood,
and Rohe had not personally met with such cases; Burr believed
that there was strong evidence "that a sexual dream may be so
vivid as to make the subject believe she has had sexual congress";
Kiernan knew of such cases; C. H. Hughes, in persons with every
appearance of sanity, had known the erotic dreams of the night
to become the erotic delusions of the day, the patient protesting
violcjitly the truth of her story; while Hersmnn reports the case
' It iiiav be added lliat in more or less neurotic women and ffirls
erotic dreams may be very frequent and dej^ressinj;. Tlius, J. M. Fother-
gill ("West Ridinj; l\ei)orts," vol. vi, 187«)) remarks: "These dreams are
mueli more frequent than is ordinarily thoujrht, and are the cause of a
great deal of nervous depression amonf^ women. Women of a hij^hly-
nervous dialliesis sulVcr much more fi'om these drains than robust women.
Not only are these involuntary orgasms more frequent among such
women, but they cause more disturbance of the general healtli in them
than in other women."
AUTO-EROTISM. 133
of a young lady in an asylum who had nightly delusions that a
medical officer visited her every night, and had to do with her,
coming up the hot-air flue.^ I am acquainted with a similar case
in a clever, but highly neurotic, young woman, who writes:
"For years I have been trying to stamp out my passional nature,
and was beginning to succeed when a strange thing happened
to me last autumn. One night, as I lay in bed, I felt an influence
so powerful that a man seemed present with me. I crimsoned
with shame and wonder. I remember that I lay upon my back,
and marveled when the spell had passed. The influence, I was
assured, came from a priest whom I believed in and admired
above everyone in the world. I had never dreamed of love in
connection with him, because I always thought him so far above
me. The influence has been upon me ever since — sometimes by
day and nearly always by night; from it I generally go into a
deep sleep, w^hich lasts until morning. I am always much re-
freshed when I awake. This influence has the best effect upon
my life that anything has ever had as regards health and mind.
It is the knowledge that I am loved fittingly that makes me so
indifferent to my future. What worries me is that I sometimes
wonder if I suffer from a nervous disorder merely." The sub-
ject thus seemed to regard these occurrences as objectively real,
but was sufficiently sane to wonder w^hether her experiences were
not due to mental disorder. -
^ C. C. Hersman, "Medico-legal Aspects of Eroto-Choreic Insanities,"
Alienist and Neurologist, July, 1897. I may mention that Pitres
("Lemons cliniques sur I'Hysterie," vol. ii, p. 34) records the almost
identical case of an hysterical girl in one of his wards, who was at first
grateful to the clinical clerk to whom her case was intrusted, but after-
ward changed her behavior, accused him of coming nightly through the
window, lying beside her, caressing her, and then exerting violent coitus
three or four times in succession until she was utterly exhausted. I
may here refer to the tendency to erotic excitement in women under
the influence of chloroform and nitrous oxide, a tendency rarely or never
noted in men, and of the frequency with which the phenomenon is at-
tributed bv the subject to actual assault. See H. Ellis, "Man and
Woman," pp. 269-274.'
- In Australia a man was charged with rape, found guilty of "at-
tempt," and sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment, on the accusa-
tion of a girl of 1,3, who subsequently confessed that the charge was
imaginary; in this case the jury found it impossible to believe that so
134 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
The tendency of the auto-erotic phenomena of sleep to be
manifested with such enero^v as to flow over into the wakino^ life
and influence conscious emotion and action, while ver}^ well
marked in normal and healthv women, is seen to an exasrsrerated
extent in hysterical women, in whom it has, therefore, chiefly
been studied. Sante de Sanctis, who has investigated the dreams
of many classes of people, remarks on the frequently sexual char-
acter of the dreams of hysterical women, and the repercussion of
such dreams on the waking life of the following day; he gives
a typical case of hysterical erotic dreaming in an uneducated
servant-girl of 23, in whom such dreams occur usually a few days
before the menstrual period; her dreams, especially if erotic,
make an enormous impression on her; in the morning she is
bad-tempered if they were unpleasant, while she feels lascivious
and gives herself up to masturbation if she has had erotic dreams
of men; she then has a feeling of pleasure throughout the day,
and her sexual organs are bathed with moisture.^ Pitres and
Gilles de la Tourette, two of Charcot's most distinguished pupils,
in their elaborate works on h3'steria both consider that dreams
generally have a great influence on the waking life of the hys-
terical, and they deal with the special influence of erotic dreams,
to which, doubtless, we must refer those conceptions of inciihi
and succubi which played so vast and so important a part in
the demonoloo^v of the middles ao^es, and while not unknown
in men, were most frequent in women. Such erotic dreams —
as these observers, confirming the experience of old writers, have
found among the hysterical to-day — are by no means always, or
even usually, of a pleasurable character. "It is very rare,'' Pitres
remarks, when insisting on the sexual character of the hallucina-
tions of the hysterical, "for these erotic hallucinations to be ac-
companied by agreeable voluptuous sensations. In most cases
the illusion of sexual intercourse even provokes acute pain. The
young a j^irl could liavo horn lyinfj or hallucinated, because slio narrated
the details of the alleged ofTonce with such circumstajitial detail. Such
cases are not uncommon, and in some measure no doubt they may bo
accounted for by auto-erotic nocturnal hallucinations.
' Sanle de Sancti-^. "I sogni e il sonno neiristerismo e nella epilessia."
Rome, 1890, j). 101.
AUTO-EKOTISM. 135
witches of old times nearly all affirmed that in their relations with
the devil they suffered greatly. They said that his organ was
long and rough and pointed, with scales which lifted on with-
drawal and tore the vagina.''^ (It seems probable, I may remark,
that the witches' representations, both of the devil and of sexual
intercourse, were largely influenced by familiarity with the coup-
ling of animals). As Gilles de la Tourette is careful to warn his
readers, we must not too hastily assume, from the prevalence of
nocturnal auto-erotic phenomena in hysterical women, that such
women are necessarily sexual and libidinous in excess; the dis-
order is in them psychic, he points out, and not physical, and
they usually receive sexual approaches with indifference and re-
pugnance, because their sexual centres are anesthetic or hyper-
esthetic. "During the period of sexual activity they seek much
more the care and delicate attention of men than the genital act,
w^hich they often only tolerate. Many households, begun under
the happiest auspices — the bride all the more apt to believe that
she loves her betrothed in virtue of her suggestibility, easily ex-
alted, perhaps at the expense of the senses — become hells on
earth. The sexual act has for the hysterical woman more than
one disillusion; she cannot understand it; it inspires her with
insurmountable repugnance."- I refer to these hysterical phe-
nomena because they present to us, in an extreme form, facts
which are common among women whom, under the artificial con-
ditions of civilized life, we are compelled to regard as ordinarily
healthy and normal. The frequent painfulness of auto-erotic
phenomena is by no means an exclusively hysterical phenomenon,
although often seen in a heightened form in hysterical condi-
tions. It is probably to some extent simply the result of a con-
flict in consciousness with a merely physical impulse which is
strong enough to assert itself in spite of the emotional and intel-
lectual abhorrence of the subject. It is thus but an extreme
form of the disgust which all sexual physical manifestations tend
to inspire in a person who is not inclined to respond to them.
^ Pitres. "Legons cliniques sur rHysterie," vol. ii. p. 37 ft scq.
- Gilles de la Tourette, loc. cit., p. 518.
136 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Somewhat similar psychic disgust and ph3'sical pain are pro-
duced in the attempt to stimulate the sexual emotions and organs
when these are exhausted by exercise. In the detailed history
which Moll presents, of the sexual experiences of a sister in an
American nursing guild, — a most instructive history of a woman
fairly normal except for the results of repressed sexual emotion,
and with strong moral tendencies, — various episodes are narrated
well illustrating: the wav in which sexual excitement becomes
unpleasant or even painful when it takes place as a physical re-
flex which the emotions and intellect are all the time struggling
against.^ It is quite probable, however, that there is a physio-
logical, as well as a psychic, factor in this phenomenon, and
Sollier, in his recent elaborate study of the nature and genesis of
hysteria, by insisting on the capital importance of the disturb-
ance of sensibility in hysteria, and the definite character of the
phenomena produced in the passage between anesthesia and nor-
mal sensation, has greatly helped to reveal the mechanism of this
feature of auto-erotic excitement in the hj^sterical.
Xo doubt there has been a tendency to exaggerate the un-
pleasant character of the auto-erotic phenomena of hysteria.
That tendency Avas an inevitable reaction against an earlier view,
according to which h3^steria was little more than an unconscious
expression of the sexual emotions and as such was unscientifically
dismissed without any careful investigation. I agree with Breuer
and Freud that the sexual needs of the hysterical are just as in-
dividual and various as those of normal women, but that they
suffer from them more, largely through n moral struggle with
their own instincts, and the attempt to put them into the back-
ground of consciousness.^ In many hysterical and psycliicnlly
'On one occasion, when still a ^\\\. whenever an artist whom slie
admired touched her liand she felt erection and moisture of tlie sexual
parts, but without any sensation of pleasure; a little later, when an
uncle's knee casually came in contact with her thigh, ejaculation of
mucus took ])lace, thoupjh she disliked the uncle; afjain. when a nurse,
on casually seeing a man's sexual orf^ans, an electric shock went throupli
her, thouofh the sipht was disfrustinj? to her; and when she had once to
assist a man to urinate, sh(> became in the hip^hest dcfrree excited, thou<]fh
without pleasure, and lay down on a couch in the next room, while a
convulsive ejaculation took ])lace. (Moll, "Libido Sexualis," B. 1, p. 354.)
- T'.reiier and Freud, "Studien fiber Tlvsterie," 1805, p. 217.
AUTO-EROTISM. 137
abnormal women, anto-erotic phenomena, and sexual phenomena
generally, are highly pleasurable, though such persons may be
quite innocent of any knowledge of the erotic character of the
experience. I have come across interesting and extreme exam-
ples of this in the published experiences of the women followers
of the American religious leader, T. L. Harris, founder of the
"Brotherhood of the Xew Life/^ Thus, in a pamphlet, entitled,
"Internal Respiration,^' by Respiro, a letter is quoted from a lady
physician, who writes: "One morning I awoke with a strange new
feeling in the womb, which lasted for a day or two; I w^as so very
happ3^, but the joy was in my womb, not in my heart." "At last,''
writes a lady, quoted in the same pamphlet, "I fell into a slumber,
lying on my back with arms and feet folded, a position I almost
always find myself in when I awake, no matter in which position
I may go to sleep. Very soon I awoke from this slumber with a
most delightful sensation, every fibre tingling with an exquisite
glow of warmth. I was lying on my left side (something I am
never able to do), and was folded in the arms of my counterpart.
Unless you have seen it, I cannot give you an idea of the beauty
of his flesh, and with what joy I beheld and felt it. Think of
it, luminous flesh; and Oh! such tints, you never could imagine
without seeing. He folded me so closely in his arms," etc. In
such cases there is no conflict between the physical and the
psychic, and therefore the resulting excitement is pleasurable
and not painful.
The extreme form of auto-erotism is the tendency sometimes found,
perhaps especially in women, though this is doubtful, for the sexual
emotion to be absorbed and often entirely lost in self-admiration. This
Xarcissus-like tendency, of which the normal germ in women is svmbol-
ized by the mirror, is found in a minor degree in some men, and is some-
times well marked in women, but in association with an attraction for
other persons, to which attraction it is, of course, normally subserv^ient.
In the extreme form in which alone the name of Narcissus may
properly be invoked, there is comparative indifference to sexual gratifica-
tion or the admiration of the opposite sex. Such a condition seems to be
rare, except, perhaps, in insanity. Since I called attention to this form
of auto-erotism {Alienist and Neurologist, April, 1898) several writers
have discussed the condition, especially Nacke. Among 1500 insane per-
138 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
sons Xiicke lias found it in four men and one woman {Psi/cJiiatrische en
Keuroloffische Bladen, No. 2. 1899). Dr. C. H. Hughes writes (in a pri-
vate letter) that he is acquainted with such cases in which men have
been absorbed in admiration of their own manly forms and of their
sexual organs, and women likewise absorbed in admiration of their own
mammae and physical proportions, especially of limbs. *'The whole sub-
ject," he adds, "is a singular phase of psycholog}^. and it is not all
morbid psychology either. It is closely allied to that esthetic sense
which admires the nude in art."
A typical case known to me is that of a lady of 28, brought up
on a farm. She is a handsome woman, of very large and fine propor-
tions, active and healthy and intelligent, with, however, no marked
sexual attraction to the opposite sex; at the same time she is not in-
verted, though she would like to be a man, and has a considerable degree
of contempt for women. She has an intense admiration for her own
person, especially her limbs; she is never so happy as when alone and
naked in her own bedroom, and, so far as possible, she cultivates naked-
ness. She knows by heart the various measurements of her body, is
proud of the fact that they are strictly in accordance with the canons
of perfection, and she laughs proudly at the thought that her thigh is
larger than many a woman's waist. She is frank and assured in her
manners, without sexual shyness, and, while willing to receive the at-
tention and admiration of others, she makes no attempt to gain it, and
seems never to have experienced any emotions stronger than her own
pleasure in herself. I should add that I have had no opportunity of
detailed examination, and cannot speak positively as to the absence of
masturbation.
II.
Hysteria and the Question of its Relation to the Sexual Emotions
— The Early Greek Theories of its Xature and Causation — The Gradual
Rise of Modern Views — Charcot — The Revolt against Charcot's Too
Absolute Conclusions — Fallacies Involved — Charcot's Attitude the Out-
come of his Personal Temperament — Breuer and Freud — Summary of
their investigations — Breuer and Freud's Views Supplement and Com-
plete Charcot's — At the Same Time they Furnish a Justification for the
Earlier Doctrine of Hysteria — But They Must Xot be Regarded as Final
— The Diffused Hysteroid Condition in Normal Persons — The Physio-
logical Basis of Hvsteria — True Pathological Hysteria is Linked on to
almost Normal States, especially to Sex-hunger.
The nocturnal hallucinations of hysteria, as all careful
students of this condition now seem to agree, are closely allied
to the hysterical attack proper. Sollier, indeed, one of the ablest
of the more recent investigators of hysteria, has argued with
much force that the subjects of hysteria really live in a state of
pathological sleep, of vigilambulism.^ He regards all the various
accidents of hysteria as having a common basis in disturbances
of sensibility, in the widest sense of the word "sensibility,'^ — as
the very foundation of personality. Whatever the form of hys-
teria, we are thus only concerned with a more or less profound
state of vigilambulism: a state in which the subject seems, often
even to himself, to be more or less always asleep, whether the
sleep may be regarded as local or general. Sollier agrees with
Fere that the disorder of sensibility may be regarded as due to
an exhaustion of the sensorv centres of the brain, whether as the
^ "Gendse et Nature de I'Hysterie," 1898, and in a preliminary paper
read before the International ]\Iedical Congress at Rome in 1894. Lom-
broso ("l.'Uomo Delinquonto.'' 1889, vol. ii, p. 329), referring to the
diminished metabolism of the hysterical, had already compared them to
hibernating animals.
(139)
140 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
result of constitutional cerebral weakness, of the shock of a vio-
lent emotion, or of some toxic influence on the cerebral cells. ^
"We may, therefore, fitly turn from the auto-erotic phe-
nomena of sleep which in women generally, and especially in
hysterical women, seem to possess so much importance and sig-
nificance, to the question — which has been so divergently an-
swered at different periods and by different investigators —
concerning the causation of hysteria, and especially concerning
its allesred connection with conscious or unconscious sexual
emotion.
It was the belief of the ancient Greeks that hysteria came
from the womb; hence its name. "We first find that statement
in Plato's ^'Timseus'': "'In men the orsran of sreneration — becom-
ins: rebellious and masterful, like an animal disobedient to
reason, and maddened with the sting of hist — seeks to gain ab-
solute sway; and the same is the case with the so-called womb,
or uterus, of women: the animal within them is desirous of pro-
creating children, and, when remaining unfruitful long beyond
its proper time, gets discontented and angry, and, wandering in
every direction through the body, closes up the passages of the
breath, and, by obstructing respiration,- drives them to extremity,
causing all varieties of disease/'
Plato, it is true, cannot be said to reveal anywhere a very
scientific attitude toward Nature. Yet he was here probably
only giving expression to the current medical doctrine of his day.
We find precisely the same doctrine in Hippocrates, the greatest
^ Sollier regards hysteria as primarily a phijfiical disorder of the
cerebral centres. It is. he considers, simply the way in which the cere-
bral centres function when afTected by a special physical modification
leadinET to a more or less profound sleep. This he regards as funda-
mental, the narrowing of the field of consciousness, or the doubling of
personality, being secondary. He protests against a purely psychic
investigation of hysteria. No doubt Janet may have exaggerated the
importance of the intellectual manifestations of hysteria which he has so
elaborately studied, but it can scarcely be said the psychic side gen-
erally of hysteria, and especially the emotions, have yet been adequately
investigated, and Sollier's own work i^. in reality, mainly a contribution
to the psychology' of hysteria.
*The hysterical phenomenon of tjlohim hi/fttericus \ya< long after-
\\nrd attributed to obstruction of resjiiration by the womb.
AUTO-EHOTISM. Ittl
and the most observant of Greek physicians; he defined hysteria
as suffocation of the womb, though he does not always clearly
distinguish hysteria from epilepsy/ if we turn to the best Eoman
physicians we find again that Aretseus, "the Esquirol of antiq-
uity/' has set forth the same view, adding to his description of
the movements of the womb in hysteria: '^It delights, also, in
fragrant smells, and advances toward them; and it has an aver-
sion to fetid smells, and flies from them; and, on the whole, the
womb is like an animal within an animal/'^ Consequently the
treatment was by applying fetid smells to the nose and rubbing
fragrant ointments around the sexual parts.^
The Arab physicians who carried on the traditions of Greek
medicine appear to have said nothing new about hysteria, and
possibly had little knowledge of it. In Christian medieval Eu-
rope, also, nothing new was added to the theory of hysteria; it
was, indeed, less known medically than it had ever been, and,
in part it may be as a result of this ignorance, in part as a result
of general wretchedness (the hysterical phenomena of witchcraft
reaching their height, Michelet points out, in the fourteenth
centui^, which was a period of special misery for the poor), it
flourished more vigorously. N'ot alone have we the records of
nervous epidemics, but illuminated manuscripts, ivories, minia-
tures, bas-reliefs, frescoes, and engravings furnish the most vivid
iconographic evidence of the prevalence of hysteria in its most
^ As Gilles de la Tourette points out, it is not difficult to show that
epilepsy, the morhus sacer of the ancients, owed much of its sacred
character to this confusion with hysteria. Those priestesses who, struck
by the morhus sacer, gave forth their oracles amid convulsions, were
certainly not the victims of epilepsy, but of hysteria ("Traite de I'Hys-
terie," vol. i, p. 3).
- Aretaeus, "On the Causes and Symptoms of Acute Diseases," Book
ii, Chapter II.
^ It may be noted that this treatment furnishes another instance of
the continuity of therapeutic methods, through all changes of theory,
from the earliest to the latest times. Drugs of unpleasant odor, like
asafetida, have always been used in hysteria, and scientific medicine
to-day still finds that asafetida is a pow erful sedative to tlie uterus, con-
trolling nervous conditions during pregnancy and arresting uterine irri-
tation when abortion is threatened (see, e.g., Warnian, Der Frauenarzt,
August, 1895). Again, the rubbing of fragrant ointments into the sexual
regions is but a form of that massage which is one of the latest methods
of treating the sexual disorders of women.
142 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
violent forms during the Middle Ages. Much of this evidence is
brought to the service of science in the fascinating works of Dr.
P. Richer, one of Charcot's pupils.^
In the seventeenth century Ambroise Pare was still talking,
like Hippocrates, about ''suffocation of the womb"; Forestus was
still, like Aretaeus, applying friction to the vulva; Fernel was
still reproaching Galen, who had denied that the movements of
the womb produced hysteria.
It was in the seventeenth century (1G18) that a French phy-
sician, Charles Lepois (Carolus Piso), physician to Henry II,
trusting, as he said, to experience and reason, overthrew at one
stroke the doctrine of hysteria that had ruled almost unques-
tioned for two thousand years, and showed that the malady oc-
curred at all ages and in both sexes, that its seat was not in the
womb, but in the brain, and that it must be considered a nervous
disease.^ So revolutionary a doctrine could not fail to meet with
violent opposition, but it was confirmed by Willis, and in 1681
we owe to the genius of Sydenham a picture of hysteria which for
lucidity, precision, and comprehensiveness has only been excelled
in our own times.
It was not possible any longer to maintain the womb theory
of Hippocrates in its crude form, but in modified forms, and
especially with the object of preserving the connection which
many observers continued to find between hysteria and the sexual
emotions, it still found supporters in the eighteenth and even the
nineteenth centuries. James, in the middle of the eighteenth
century, returned to the classical view, and in his "Dictionary
of Medicine" maintained that the womb is the seat of hysteria.
Lonyer Villermay in 1816 asserted that the most frequent causes
of hysteria are deprivation of the pleasures of love, griefs con-
nected with this ])assion. and disorders of menstruation. Foville
in 1833 and Lavuhmzv in 181(1 ndvocaterl somewhat similar views.
^ "T.os Dr'monia(|Ucs dans I'Art."" 1SR7. "Los Mnlades et les DifTorniPs
dnnsl'Arf." ISSO.
-'(JUifira Al)rico^<»11\ «»f Moscow, in licr Paris thesis. "L'Hyst^rie aux
xvii et xviii siocles." ]S07. presents a summary of the various views held
at tliis tinie; as also r.ill(< df la 'I'onrctlc "Traill' do rHystcrio." vol. i.
Chapter r.
AUTO-EROTISM. 143
The acute Laycock in 1840 quoted as ^^almost a medical proverb"
the saying, "Salacitas major, major ad hysleriam pi'oclivitas/'
fully indorsing it. More recently still Clouston has defined hys-
teria as "the loss of the inhibitory influence exercised on the re-
productive and sexual instincts of women by the higher mental
and moral functions" (a position evidently requiring some modi-
fication in view of the fact that hysteria is by no means confined
to women), while the same authority remarks that more or less
concealed sexual phenomena are the chief symptoms of "hys-
terical insanity."^ Two gynecologists of high position in dif-
ferent parts of the world, Hegar in Germany and Balls-Headley
in Australia, attribute hysteria, as well as anemia, largely to
unsatisfied sexual desire, including the non-satisfaction of the
"ideal feelings."- Lombroso and Ferrero, again, while admitting
that the sexual feelings might be either heightened or depressed
in h3^steria, referred to the frequency of what they termed "a
paradoxical sexual instinct" in the hysterical, by which, for in-
stance, sexual frigidity is combined with intense sexual pre-
occupations; and they also pointed out the significant fact that
the crimes of the hysterical nearly always revolve around the
sexual sphere.^ Thus, even up to the time when the conception
of hysteria which absolutely ignored and excluded any sexual
relationship whatever had reached its height, independent views
favoring such a relationship still found expression.
Of recent years, however, such views usually aroused violent
antagonism. The main current of opinion was with Briquet
(1859), who, treating the matter with considerable ability and a
wide induction of facts, indignantly repelled the idea that there
is any connection between hysteria and the sexual facts of life,
physical or psychic. As he himself admitted, Briquet was moved
^Edinburgh Medical Journal. June. 1883. p. 1123, and "Mental
Diseases," 1887^ p. 488.
^ Hegar. "Zusammenhang der Gesehlechtskrankhoiten mit nervosen
Leiden," Stuttgart, 1885. (Hegar. however, went much further than this,
and was largely responsible for the surgical treatment of hysteria now
generally recognized as worse than futile.) Balls-Headley, "Etiology of
Nervous Diseases of the Female Genital Organs." Allbutt and Plavfair,
"System of Gynecology," 189G, p. 141.
^ Lombroso and Ferrero, "La Donna Delinquente," 1893, pp. 613-14.
l-i4 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
to deny a sexual causation of hysteria by the thought that such
an origin would be degrading for women ("a quelque chose de
degradant pour Us femmes'').
It was, however, the genius of Charcot, and the influence
of his able pupils, which finally secured the overthrow of the
sexual theory of hysteria. Charcot emphatically anathematized
the visceral origin of hysteria; he declared that it is a psychic
disorder, and to leave no loop-hole of escape for those who main-
tained a sexual causation he asserted that there are no varieties
of hysteria, that the disease is one and indivisible. Charcot rec-
ognized no primordial cause of hysteria beyond heredity, which
here plays a more important part than in any other neuropathic
condition. Such heredity is either direct or more occasionally
by transformation, any deviation of nutrition found in the an-
cestors (gout, diabetes, arthritis) being a possible cause of hysteria
in the descendants. ^'We do not know anything about the nature
of hysteria," Charcot wrote in 1892; "we must make it objective
in order to recognize it. The dominant idea for us in the etiology
of hysteria is, in the widest sense, its hereditary predisposition.
The greater number of those suffering from this affection are
simply born liysterisables, and on them the occasional causes act
directly, either through autosuggestion or by causing derange-
ment of general nutrition, and more particularly of the nutrition
of the nervous system."^
These views are ably and decisively stated in Gilles de la
Tourette's "Traite de ITIysterie," written under the inspiration
of Charcot, which has a better claim than any other work at the
present day to be considered as the standard treatise on hysteria.
While Charcot's views were thus being aflRrmed and gen-
erally accepted, there were at the same time workers in these
fields who, though they by no means ignored this doctrine of
hysteria or even rejected it, were inclined to think that it was
too absolutely stated. Writing in the "Dictionary of Psycho-
logical Moflicino" at 1lie same time as Charcot, Donkin, while
'Ohnrfot nnd Mario, article on "Hysteria," Tuke's "Dictionary of
Psychological Medicine."
AUTO-EROTISM. 145
deprecating any exclusive emphasis on the sexual causation,
pointed out the enormous part played by the emotions in the
production of hysteria, and the great influence of puberty in
women due to the greater extent of the sexual organs, and the
consequently large area of central innervation involved, and thus
rendered liable to fall into a state of unstable equilibrium. En-
forced abstinence from the gratification of any of the inherent
and primitive desires, he pointed out, may be an adequate excit-
ing cause. Such a view as this indicated that to set aside the
ancient doctrine of a physical sexual cause of hysteria was by
no means to exclude a psychic sexual cause. Ten years earlier
Axenfeld and Huchard had pointed out that the reaction against
the sexual origin of hysteria was becoming excessive, and they
referred to the evidence brought forward by veterinary surgeons
showing that unsatisfied sexual desires in animals may produce
nervous symptoms very similar to hysteria.^ The present writer,
when in 1894 briefly treating hysteria as an element in secondary
sexual characterization, ventured to reflect the Adew, confirmed
by his own observation, that there was a tendency to unduly
minimize the sexual factor in hysteria, and further pointed out
that the old error of a special connection between hysteria and
the female sexual organs probably arose from the fact that in
woman the organic sexual sphere is larger than in man.^
When, indeed, we analyze the foundation of the now pre-
dominant opinions of Charcot and his school regarding the sexual
relationships of hysteria, it becomes clear that many fallacies and
misunderstandings are involved. Briquet, Charcot's chief prede-
cessor, acknowledged that his own view was that a sexual origin
^Axenfeld and Huchard, "Traite des Nevroses," 1883. pp. 1092-94.
Icard, "La Femrae pendant la Periode Menstruelle," pp. 120-21, has also
referred to recorded cases of hysteria in animals (Coste's and Peter's
cases), as has Gilles de la Tourette (op. cit., vol. i, p. 123). See also, for
references, Fere, "L'Instinct Sexuel." p. 59.
^ "Man and Woman," p. 283. A distinguished gynecologist,
Matthews Duncan, had remarked some years earlier (Lancet, May 18,
1889) that hysteria, though not a womb disease, "especially attaches
itself to the generative system, because the genital system, more than
any other, exerts emotional power over the individual, power also in
morals, power in social questions."
10
146 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
of hysteria would be * "degrading to women"; that is to say, he
admitted that he was influenced by a foolish and improper prej-
udice, for the belief that the unconscious and involuntary mor-
bid reaction of the nervous system to any disturbance of a great
primary instinct can have "qiielque chose de degradanf is itself
an immoral belief; such disturbance of the nervous system
might or might not be caused, but in any case the alleged
"degradation"' could only be the fiction of a distorted imagina-
tion. Again, confusion has been caused by the ancient error of
making the physical sexual organs responsible for hysteria, first
the womb, more recently the ovaries; the outcome of this belief
was the extirpation of the sexual organs for the cure of hysteria.
Charcot condemned absolutely all such operations as unscientific
and dangerous, declaring that there is no such thing as hysteria
of menstrual origin.^ More recently Angelucci and Pierracini
have carried out an international inquiry into the results of the
surgical treatment of hysteria, and have been led to condemn it
in the most unqualified manner. They appealed to alienists,
surgeons, and gynecologists throughout Europe and America,
and received reports of 109 cases in which the internal organs
were removed for the cure of either hysteria or insanity. Only
in 17 of these cases were the results beneficial, and the authors
are inclined, on the evidence before them, to discount consid-
erably the favorable results even in these 17 cases, in 9 of which
there was real disease of the organs, while many were probably
not cases of true hysteria; there was, further, reason to think
that suggestion played a considerable part in the favorable re-
sults, since in 6 cases of simulated operation (not, of course, in-
cluded in the series) the results were favorable.- It is, therefore,
clearly demonstrated that the physical sexual organs are not the
seat of hysteria. It does not, however, follow that even physical
sexual desire, when repressed, is not a cause of hysteria. The
opinion that it was so formed an essential part of the early doc-
' C;illf's do la Touretic, Arcliivcs dt- Tocologic et de Gynf'cologic,
June, 18J)5.
^ Eevista SporimcTifnlo di Froniatria, 1807, p. 290; summarized in
tho Journal of Mental Science, January, ISOS.
AUTO-EEOTISM. 147
trine of hysteria, and was embodied in the ancient maxim:
"Nubat ilia et morhus effugiet." The womb, it seemed to the
ancients, was crying out for satisfaction, and when that was re-
ceived the disease vanished.^ But when it became clear that
sexual desire, though ultimately founded on the sexual apparatus,
is a nervous and psychic fact, to put the sexual organs out of
count was not sufficient; for the sexual emotions may exist be-
fore puberty, and persist after complete removal of the sexual
organs. Thus it has been the object of many writers to repel
the idea that unsatisfied sexual desire can be a cause of hysteria.
Briquet pointed out that hysteria is rare among nuns and fre-
quent among prostitutes. Krafft-Ebing believes that most hys-
terical women are not anxious for sexual satisfaction, and declares
that "hysteria caused through the non-satisfaction of the coarse
sensual sexual impulse I have never seen,"^ while Pitres and
others refer to the frequently painful nature of sexual hallucina-
tions in the hysterical. But it soon becomes obvious that the
psychic sexual sphere is not confined to the gratification of
conscious physical sexual desire. It is not true that hysteria is
rare among nuns, some of the most tremendous epidemics of
hysteria, and the most carefully studied, having occurred in con-
vents, while the hysterical phenomena sometimes associated with
revivals are well known. The prevalence of hysteria among pros-
titutes is evidence in favor of, rather than against, the sexual
relationships of hysteria. The frequent absence of physical sex-
ual feeling, in the same manner, may quite reasonably be taken
as evidence of a disorder of the sexual emotions, while the un-
doubted fact that sexual intercourse usually has little beneficial
^ From the earliest times it was held that menstruation favors
hysteria; more recently Landouzy recorded a number of observ^ations
showing that hysterical attacks coincide with perfectly healthy menstru-
ation; while Ball has maintained that it is only during menstruation
that hysteria appears in its true color. See the opinions collected by
Icard, "La Femme pendant la periode Alenstruelle," pp. 75-81.
- Krafft-Ebing, "Ueber Neurosen und Psych osen durch sexuelle
Abstinenz," Jahrbiicher fiir Psychiatrie, vol. viii, 1888. It must, how-
e\er, be added that the relief of hysteria by sexual satisfaction is not
rare, and that Rosenthal finds that the convulsions are thus diminished.
Allgemein Wiener medizinal-Zeitung, Nos. 46 and 47, 1887.
148 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
effect on pronounced hysteria, and that sexual excitement dur-
ing sleep and sexual hallucinations are often painful in the same
condition, is far from showing that injury or repression of the
sexual emotions had nothing to do with the production of the
hysteria. It would be as reasonable to argue that the evil effect
of a heavy meal on a starving man must be taken as evidence
that he was not suffering from starvation. The fact, indeed, on
which Gilles de la Tourette and others have remarked, that the
hysterical often desire not so much sexual intercourse as simple
affection, would tend to show that there is here a real analogy,
and that starvation or lesion of the sexual emotions may produce,
like bodily starvation, a rejection of those satisfactions which are
demanded in health. Thus, even a mainly a priori examination
of the matter may lead us to see that many arguments still
brought forward in favor of Charcot's position on this point fall
to the ground when we realize that the sexual emotions may con-
stitute a highly complex sphere, often hidden from observation,
sometimes not conscious at all, and liable to many lesions besides
that due to the non-satisfaction of sexual desire. At the same
time we are not thus enabled to overthrow any of the positive
results attained by Charcot and his school.
It may, however, be pointed out that Charcot's attitude
toward hysteria was the outcome of his own temperament. lie
was primarily a neurologist, the bent of his genius was toward
the investigation of facts that could be objectively demonstrated.
His first interest in hysteria, dating from as far back as 18G'2, was
in hystero-epileptic convulsive attacks, and to the last he re-
mained indifferent to all facts which could not be objectively
demonstrated. That was the secret of the advances he was
enabled to make in neurology. For purely psychological investi-
gation he had no liking, and probably no aptitude. Anyone who
was privileged to observe his methods of work at the Salpr'triere
will easily recall the great master's towering fij^urc; the disdainful
expression, sometimes, even, it seemed, a little sour; the lofty
bearing which enthusiastic admirers called Napoleonic. The
questions addressed to the patient were cold, distant, sometimes
impatient. Charcot clearly had little faitli \u the value of any
AUTO-EEOTISM. 149
results so attained. One may well believe also, that a man whose
superficial personality was so haughty and awe-inspiring to
strangers would in any case have had the greatest difficulty in
penetrating the mysteries of a psychic world so obscure and
elusive as that presented by the hysterical.^
The way was thus opened for an investigation on the psy-
chic side, which might throw a wholly new light on hysteria.
Charcot had affirmed the power, not only of physical traumatism,
but even of psychic lesions — of moral shocks — to provoke its
manifestations, but his sole contribution to the psychology of this
psychic malady lay in the one word "suggestibility"; the nature
and mechanism of this psychic process he left wholly unexplained.
This step has been taken by others, in part by Charcot's suc-
cessor, Janet, who, from 1889 onward, has not only insisted that
the emotions stand in the first line among the causes of hysteria,
but has also pointed out some portion of the mechanism of this
process; thus, he saw the significance of the fact, already recog-
nized, that strong emotions tend to produce anesthesia and to
lead to a condition of mental disaggregation, favorable to abulia,
or abolition of will-power. It remained to show in detail the
mechanism by which the most potent of all the emotions effects its
influence, and, by doing this, the Viennese investigators, Breuer
and Freud, have, I venture to say, made a really important
contribution to our knowledge of hysteria.- They have not, it
is important to remark, overturned the positive elements in their
fifreat forerunner's work. Freud, whose work is still much less
^ It may not be unnecessary to point out that here and throughout,
in speaking of the psychic mechanism of hysteria. I do not admit that
any process can be ptireh/ psychic. As Fere puts it in an admirable
study of hysteria ("Twentieth Century Practice of Medicine." 1897, vol.
X, p. 556) : "In the genesis of hysterical troubles CA'crything takes place
as if the psychical and the somatic phenomena were two aspects of the
same biological fact."
-Pierre Janet, "L'Automatisme Psychologique," 1889: "L'Etat
mental des Hysteriques," 1894; "Xevroses et Idees fixes," 1898. Breuer
und Freud. '"Ueber den psyehischen ]Mechanisinus hysterischer Phiino-
mene," Xeurologische Centralblatt. Xos. 1 and 2, 1893; ''Studien iiber
Hysteric," Vienna, 1895. Freud, "Zur Aetiologie der Hysteric," Wiener
klinische Rundschau, Xos. 22 to 2G. 1896; "L'Heredite et I'Etiologie des
Xevroses," Revue Xeurologique, 1896, Xo. 6.
loU PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
widely known than that of Janet, began as a disciple of Charcot,
and he himself remarks that, in his earlier investigations of hys-
teria, he had no thought of finding any sexual etiology for that
malady: he would have regarded any such suggestion as an insult
to his patient. The results reached by these workers were the
outcome of lono^ and detailed investis^ation. Freud has investi-
gated eighteen cases of hysteria in minute detail, devoting to
each of them over a hundred hours of work. The patients, un-
like those on whom the results of the French school have been
mainly founded, all belonged to the educated classes, and it was
thus possible to carry out an elaborate psychic investigation
which would be impossible among the uneducated. Breuer and
Freud insist on the fine qualities of mind and character fre-
quently found among the hysterical. They cannot accept sug-
gestibility as an invariable characteristic of hysteria, only abnor-
mal excitability: they are far from agreeing with Janet (although
on main points at one with him), that psychic weakness marks
hysteria; there is merely an appearance of mental weakness, they
say, because the mental activity of the hysterical is split up, and
only a part of it is conscious.^ The superiority of character of
the hysterical is indicated by the fact that the conflict between
their ideas of right and the bent of their inclinations is often an
element in the constitution of the hysterical state. Breuer and
Freud are prepared to assert that the hysterical are among "the
flower of humanity," and they refer to those qualities of com-
bined imaginative genius and practical energy which character-
ized St. Theresa, "the patron saint of the hysterical."
To understand the position of Breuer and Freud we may
start from the phenomenon of "nervous shock" produced by
physical traumatism, often of a very slight character. Charcot
had shown that such "nervous shock," with the chain of result-
ing symptoms, is nothing more or less than hysteria. Breuer and
' Wc might, ]>erliai)s. even say that in hysteria the so-called hijrher
centres have an ahnornially stronir inhibitory intluoncc over the hr.vor
centres, the hvsterical explosion heinj; tlie revenge of the latter. GiotVredi
((Jaz/etta degli Ospedali. October 1, ISO')) has shown that some hys-
terical svjnj)toms. snoh as nnitism. can be currd by etherization, thus
looseniiifj: tlie control of the higher centres.
AUTO-EROTISM. 151
Freud may be linked on to Charcot at this point. They may be
said to have proved conclusively — what had already been more
or less hesitatingly suggested by others — that the most typical
hysteria is really a psychic traumatism; that is to say, that it
starts in a lesion, or rather in repeated lesions, of the emotional
organism. It is true that the school of Charcot admitted the
influence of moral shock, especially of the emotion of fear, but
that merely as an ''agent provocateur,^^ and with a curious per-
versity Gilles de la Tourette, certainly reflecting the attitude of
Charcot, in his elaborate treatise on hysteria fails to refer to the
sphere of the sexual emotions even when enumerating the "agents
provocateurs.''''^
The influence of fear is not denied by Breuer and Freud^
but they have found that careful psychic analysis frequently
shows that the shock of a commonplace ^'fear^^ is really rooted
in a lesion of the sexual emotions. A typical and very simple
illustration is furnished in a case, recorded by Breuer, in which
a young girl of seventeen had her first hysterical attack after a
cat sprang on her shoulders as she was going downstairs. Care-
ful investigation showed that this girl had been the object of
somewhat ardent attentions from a young man whose advances
she had resisted, although her own sexual emotions had been
aroused. A few days before she had been surprised by this young
man on these same dark stairs, and had forcibly escaped from his
hands. Here was the real psychic traumatism, the operation of
which merely became manifest in the cat. "But in how many
cases," asks Breuer, "is a cat thus reckoned as a completely suffi-
cient causa efpciens?"
In every case that they have investigated Breuer and Freud
have found some similar secret lesion of the psychic sexual
sphere. In one case a governess, whose training has been se-
^ Charcot's school could not fail to recogrnize the erotic tone which
often dominates hysterical hallucinations. Gilles de la Tourette seeks to
minimize it by the remark that "it is more mental than real." He means
to say that it is more psychic than physical, and he implies tliat the
physical element in sex is alone "real," a strange assumption in any
case, as well as destructive of Gilles de la Tourette's own fundamental
assertion that hysteria is a real disease and yet purely psychic.
152 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
verely upright, is, in spite of herself and without any encourage-
ment, led to experience for the father of the children under her
care an affection which she refuses to acknowledge even to her-
self; in another a young Avoman finds herself falling in love with
her brother-in-law; again, an innocent girl suddenly discovers
her uncle in the act of sexual intercourse with her playmate, and
a boy on his way home from school is subjected to the coarse ad-
vances of a sexual invert. In nearly every case, as Freud event-
ually found reason to believe, a primary lesion of the sexual emo-
tions dates from the period of puberty, and in nearly every case
the intimately private nature of the lesion causes it to be care-
fully hidden from everyone, and even to be unacknowledged by
the subject of it. In many cases Breuer and Freud have found
that a slight degree of hypnosis is necessary to bring the lesion
into consciousness, and the accuracy of the revelations thus ob-
tained has been tested by independent witness. The primary
lesion may thus act as "a foreign body in consciousness.'^ Some-
thing is introduced into psychic life which refuses to merge in
the general flow of consciousness. It cannot be accepted sim-
ply as other facts of life are accepted; it cannot even be talked
about, and so submitted to the slow usure by which our experi-
ences are worn down and gradually transformed. Breuer illus-
trates what happens by reference to the sneezing reflex. "When
an irritation to the nasal mucous membrane for some reason fails
to liberate this reflex, a feeling of excitement and tension arises.
This excitement, being unable to stream out along motor chan-
nels, now spreads itself over the brain, inhibiting other activities.
. . . In the highest spheres of human activity ire may tualch
the same process." It is a result of this process that, as Breuer
and Freud found, the mere act of confession may greatly relieve
the hysterical symptoms produced by this psychic mechanism,
and in some cases may wholly and permanently remove them.
It is part of the mechanism of this process, as understood
by these authors, that the physical symptoms of hysteria are con-
stituted, by a process of conversion, out of the injured emotions,
which then sink into the background or altogctluM- out of con-
sciousness. Thus, they found the prolonged tension of nursing
AUTO-EKOTISM. 153
a near and dear relative to be a very frequent factor in the pro-
duction of hysteria. For instance^ an originally rheumatic pain
experienced by a daughter when nursing her father becomes the
sj'mbol in memory of her painful psychic excitement, and this
perhaps for several reasons, but chiefly because its presence in
consciousness almost exactly coincided with that excitement. In
another way, again, nausea and vomiting may become a symbol
through the profound sense of disgust with which some emo-
tional shock was associated. Then the symbol begins to have a
life of its own, and draws hidden strength from the emotion with
which it is correlated. Breuer and Freud have found by careful
investigation that the pains and physical troubles of hysteria are
far from being capricious, but may be traced in a varying manner
to an origin in some incident, some pain, some action, which was
associated with a moment of acute psychic agony. The process
of conversion was an involuntary escape from an intolerable emo-
tion, comparable to the physical pain sometimes sought in intense
mental grief, and the patient wins some relief from the tortured
emotions, though at the cost of psychic abnormality, of a more
or less divided state of consciousness and of physical pain, or else
anesthesia. In Charcot^s third stage of the hysterical convulsion,
that of '^attitudes passionnelles/' Breuer and Freud see the hallu-
cinatory reproduction of a recollection which is full of significance
for the origin of the hysterical manifestations.
The final result reached by these workers — whose detailed
and skillful analysis of the most diflficult problem which meets
the student of morbid psychology is of fascinating interest — is
stated bv each writer in the clearest manner. "The main ob-
servation of our predecessors,^^ states Breuer,^ "still preserved in
the word ^lysteria,' is nearer to the truth than the more recent
view which puts sexuality almost in the last line, with the object
of protecting the patient from moral reproaches. Certainly the
sexual needs of the hysterical are just as individual and as various
in force as those of the healthy. But they suffer from them, and
in large measure, indeed, they suffer precisely through the strug-
'Studien liber Hysterie," p. 217.
154 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
gle with them, through the effort to thrust sexuality aside."
*'The weightiest fact/'" concludes Freud/ •'on which we strike in
a thorough pursuit of the analysis is this: From whatever side
and from whatever symptoms we start, we always unfailingly
reach the region of the sexual life. Here, first of all, an etiological
condition of hysterical states is revealed. . . . At the bot-
tom of every case of hysteria — and reproducible by an analytical
effort after even an interval of ten vears — mav be found one or
more facts of previous sexual experience belonging to early youth.
I regard this as an important result, as the discovery of a caput
Nili of neuropatholo2:v.'"
It is natural to ask how this conception affects that elab-
orate picture of hysteria laboriously achieved by Charcot and
his school. It cannot be said that it abolishes any of the posi-
tive results reached by Charcot, but it does alter their significance
and value; it presents them in a new light and changes the whole
perspective. With his passion for getting at tangible definite
physical facts, Charcot was on very safe ground. But he was
content to neglect the psychic analysis of hysteria, while yet
proclaiming that hysteria is a purely psychic disorder. He had
no cause of hysteria to present save only heredity. Breuer and
Freud certainly admit heredity, but, the latter points out, the
part it pla3'S has been overrated. It is too vague and general
to carry us far, and when a specific and definite cause can be
found the part played by heredity recedes to become merely a
condition: the soil on which the ^'specific etiology" works. Here
probably Freud's enthusiasm has carried him too far. The sexual
emotion is just as wide and vague a cause as heredity. We can
only admit positively that hysteria is a lesion of the psychic
ororanism. Freud has shown that the sexual emotions are so
wide-spread and profound an element of the ps3'chic organism
that a deep wound of the psychic organism, such as hysteria is,
cannot fail to lacerate these emotions, and that such laceration
alone suffices to furnish n key to the whole complexus of symp-
toms.
Wiener klinische Rundschau, 1896.
AUTO-EROTISM. 150
The real merit of Breuer's and Freud's investigations is that
— while possibly furnishing a justification of the imperfectly-
understood idea that had floated in the mind of observers ever
since the name **hysteria" was first invented — they have cer-
tainly supplied a definite psychic explanation of a psychic malady.
They have succeeded in presenting clearly, at the expense of
much labor, insight, and sympathy,^ a dynamic view of the psy-
chic processes involved in the constitution of the hysterical
state, and such a view seems to show that the physical symptoms
laboriously brought to light by Charcot are largely but epiphe-
nomena and by-products of an emotional process, often of tragic
significance to the subject, which is taking place in the most
sensitive recess of the psychic organism. That the picture of
the mechanism involved, presented to us by these investigators,
— convincing as in many respects it certainly is, — cannot be re-
garded as a final and complete account of the matter ma}^ readily
be admitted. It has developed in Freud's own hands, and some
of the developments will require very considerable confirmation
before they can be accepted as generally true. It may also be
admitted that the attitude of the investigators is somewhat of
the nature of a reaction, and, like most reactions, errs by being
excessive, and that, while it has, at length, been definitely shown
that lesions of the sexual emotional sphere play a real and large
part in hysteria, we cannot follow Freud in seeing in them always
the chief factors in the causation. That at all events is my own
impression. But the investigations of Breuer and Freud have at
least served to open a door, which Charcot had inconsistently
held closed, into the deeper mysteries of hysteria, and have shown
that here, if anywhere, further research will be profitable. They
have further served to show that hysteria may be definitely re-
garded as, in very many cases at least, a manifestation of the
^ Freud remarks that, while he can undertake the treatment of
other nervous diseases inde}3endently of his own personal feelings toward
the patient, he is unable to investigate an hysterical patient with the
thoroughness necessary to obtain success unless he feels personal interest
and sympathy for the patient.
156 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
sexual emotions and their lesions; in other words, a transforma-
tion of auto-erotism.
The conception of hysteria so vigorously enforced by Char-
cot and his school is thus now beginning to appear incomplete.
But we have to recognize that that incompleteness was right and
necessary. A strong reaction was needed against a wide-spread
view of hysteria that was not only in large measure scientifically
false, but also, on account of its falseness, unjustly degrading to
the victim of hysteria. It was necessary to show clearly that hys-
teria is a definite disorder, even when the sexual organs and
emotions are swept wholly out of consideration; and it was also
necessary to show that the lying and dissimulation so widely at-
tributed to the hysterical were merely the result of an ignorant
and unscientific misinterpretation of psychic elements of the
disease. This has been finally and triumphantly achieved by
Charcots school. It is henceforth unnecessary to demonstrate
that hysteria is no more dishonorable than any other malady,
and often indeed, occurs in persons who are above, rather than
below, the average in intelligence and moral character. The way
is now open for the delicate analysis of its complex psychology,
in freedom from the suspicion that any genuine results can be
either idle or degrading; and, if such analysis leads to the con-
clusion that lesion of the sexual emotions plays an important part
in the symptomatology or even the etiology of hysteria, we need
not now fear that we are in danger of casting contempt upon the
hysterical.
It seems probable that future advances in the explanation
of hysteria must lie in further psychic analysis, and at the same
time in the more intimate correlation of that analysis witli those
physical symptoms of which Charcot has given a masterly pre-
sentment, and which, at the present day, Sollier is striving, not
unsuccessfully, to reveal still further.
There is only one point in the explanation of hysteria which
I will here refer to, and that because it is usually ignored, iind
because it has rolationshi]) to tbc general psychology of the sexual
emotions. I refer to that physiological hysteria which is the
normal counterpart of the pathological hysteria which has Ijcen
AUTO-KROTISM. 157
described in its physical details by Charcot, and to which alone
the term sliould strictly be applied. Even though hysteria as a
disease may be described as one and indivisible, there are yet to
be found, among the ordinary and fairly healthy population,
vague and diffused hysteroid symptoms which are dissipated in
a healthy environment, or pass nearly unnoted, only to develop
in a small proportion of cases, under the influence of a more pro-
nounced heredity or a severe physical or psychic lesion, into
that definite morbid state which is properly called hysteria.
This diffused hysteroid condition may be illustrated by the
results of a psychological investigation carried on in America by
Miss Gertrude Stein among the ordinary male and female stu-
dents of Harvard University and Eadcliffe College. The object
of the investigation was to study, with the aid of a planchette,
the varying liability to automatic movements among normal in-
dividuals. Xearly one hundred students were submitted to ex-
periment. It was found that automatic responses could be ob-
tained in two sittings from all but a small proportion of the
students of both sexes, but that there were two types of indi-
vidual who showed a special aptitude. One type (probably show-
ing the embryonic form of neurasthenia) was a nervous, high-
strung, imaginative type, not easily influenced from without, and
not so much suggestible as autosuggestible. The other type,
which is significant from our present point of view, is thus de-
scribed by Miss Stein: "In general the individuals, often blonde
and pale, are distinctly phlegmatic. If emotional, decidedly of
the weakest, sentimental order. They may be either large,
healthy, rather heavy, and lacking in vigor or they may be
what we call anemic and phlegmatic. Their power of concen-
trated attention is very small. They describe themselves as
never being held by their work; they say that their minds
wander easily; that they work on after they are tired, and just
keep pegging away. They are very apt to have premonitory con-
versations, they anticipate the words of their friends, they im-
agine whole conversations that afterward come true. The feel-
ing of having been there is very common with them; that is,
they feel under given circumstances that they have had that
158 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
identical experience before in all its details. They are often
fatalistic in their ideas. They indulge in day-dreams. As a rule,
they are highly suggestible."'^
There we have a picture of the physical constitution and
psychic temperament on which the classical symptoms of hys-
teria might easily be built up.^ But these persons were ordinary
students, and while a few of their characteristics are what is com-
monly and A'aguely called ''morbid/'' on the whole, they must be
regarded as ordinarily healthy individuals. They have the con-
genital constitution and predisposition on which some severe
psychic lesion at the "psychological moment" might develop the
most definite and obstinate symptoms of hysteria, but under
favorable circumstances they will be ordinary men and women,
of no more than ordinary abnormality or ordinary power. They
are among the many who have been called to hysteria at birth;
they may never be among the few who are chosen.
We may have to recognize that on the side of the sexual
emotions, as well as in general constitution, a condition may be
traced among normal persons that is hysteroid in character, and
serves as the healthy counterpart of a condition which in hys-
teria is morbid. In women such a condition has been traced
(though misnamed) by Dr. A. F. A. King.^
Dr. King describes Avhat he calls "sexual hysteria in women," which
he considers a chief variety of hysteria. He adds, however, that it is
not strictly a disease, but simply an automatic reaction of the repro-
ductive system which tends to become abnormal under conditions of
civilization, and to be perpetuated in a morbid form. Tn this condition
he finds twelve characters: 1. Time of life, usually between jiubcrty
^ Gertrude Stein. "Cultivated Motor Automatism," Psychological
Review, May, 1898.
^Charcot's most faithful followers refuse to reco^iize an "hysteric
temperament." and are quite rij^ht. if such a conception is used to de-
stroy the conception of hysteria as a definite disease. We cannot, how-
ever, fail to recofjnize a diathesis which, while still apparently liealthy,
is predisposed to hysteria. So distinpruished a disciple of Charcot as
Janet thorouj^'hly reco«rni/,es this, and ar^rues ("L'Etat mental," etc.,
p. 298) that "we may find in the habits, tlie passions, the psychic
automatism of the normal man the germ of all hysterical phenomena."
YOrf" holds a somewhat similar view.
' Kinpr. "Hycteria." American Journal of Obstetrics, May 18. 1891.
AUTO-EROTISM. 159
and climacteric. 2. Attacks rarely occur ^vhen subject is alone. 3. Sub-
ject appears unconscious, but is not really so. 4. She is instinctively
ashamed afterward. 5. It occurs usually in single women, or in those,
single or married, Avhose sexual needs are unsatisfied. G. No external
evidence of disease, and (as Aitken pointed out) the nates are not flat-
tened; the woman's physical condition is not impaired, and she may be
specially attractive to men. 7. Warmth of climate and the season of
spring and summer are conducive to the condition (Eussell Reynolds).*
8. The paroxysm is short and temporary. 9. While light touches are
painful, firm pressure and rough handling give relief. 10. It may occur
in the occupied, but an idle, purposeless life is conducive. 11. The sub-
ject delights in exciting sympathy and in being fondled and caressed.
12. There is defect of Mill and a strong stimulus is required to lead
to action.
Among civilized women, the author proceeds, this condition does
not appear to subserve any useful purpose. "Let us, however, go back
to aboriginal woman — to woman of the woods and the fields. Let us
picture ourselves a young aboriginal Venus in one of her earliest hyster-
ical paroxysms. In doing so let us not forget some of the twelve char-
acteristics previously mentioned. She will not be 'acting her part' alone,
or, if alone, it will be in a place w^here someone else is likely soon to
discover her. Let this Venus be now discovered by a youthful Apollo
of the woods, a man with fully developed animal instincts. He and she,
like any other animals, are in the free field of Nature, He cannot but
observe to himself: 'This woman is not dead; she breathes and is warm;
she does not look ill; she is plump and rosy.' He speaks to her; she
neither hears (apparently) nor responds. Her eyes are closed. He
touches, moves, and handles her at his pleasure. She makes no resist-
ance. What will this primitive Apollo do next? He will cure the fit,
and bring the woman back to consciousness, satisfy her emotions,
and restore her volition — not by delicate touches that might be 'agoniz-
ing' to her hyperesthctic skin, but by vigorous massage, passive motions,
and succussion that would be painless. The emotional process on the
part of the woman would end, perhaps, with mingled laughter, tears,
and shame; and when accused afterward of the part which the ances-
trally-acquired properties of her nervous system had compelled her to
act. as a preliminary to the event, what woman would not deny it and
be angry? But the course of Nature having been followed, the natural
purpose of the hysterical paroxysm accomplished, there would remain as
^ This observation, however, possesses far greater antiquity than
King here assigns to it. It was made among the Greeks, as we have
already noted. True hysteria, in the modern sense, appears to be gen-
erally regarded as independent of season.
160 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
a result of the treatment — instead of one discontented woman — two
happy people and the possible beginning of a third."
"Natural, primary sexual hysteria in woman," concludes Dr. King,
"is a temporary' modification of the nervous government of the body
and the distribution of nerve-force (occurring for the most part, as we
see it to-day, in prudish women of strong moral principle, whose voli-
tion has disposed them to resist every sort of liberty or apjnoach from
the other sex), consisting in a transient abdication of the general, voli-
tional, and self-preservational ego, ^\hile the reins of government are
temporarily assigned to the usurping power of the reproductive ego, so
that the reproductive government overrules the government by volition,
and thus, as it were, forcibly compels the woman's organism to so dispose
itself, at a suitable time and place, as to allow, invite, and secure the
approach of the other sex, whether she will or not, to the end that
Nature's imperious demand for reproduction shall be obeyed."
It must be pointed out that Dr. King is wholly unjustified,
as well as illogical (since he admits it is not a disease), in calling
such a condition "hysteria." At the same time, we may admit that
his rather fantastic description presents a state which, if not the
real physiological counterpart of the hysterical convulsion, is yet
distinctly analogous to the latter. The sexual orgasm has this
correspondence with the hysterical fit, that they both serve to dis-
charge the nervous centres and relieve emotional tension. It may
even happen, especially in the less severe forms of hysteria, that
the sexual orgasm takes place during the hysterical fit; this was
found by Eosenthal, of Vienna, to be always the case in the semi-
conscious paroxysms of a young girl, whose condition was easily
cured ;^ no doubt such cases would be more frequently found if
they were sought for. In severe forms of hysteria, however, it
frequently ha])pens, as so many observers have noted, that nor-
mal sexual excitement has ceased to give satisfaction, lias be-
come painful, perverted, paradoxical. Uiciiei- and Freud enable
us to see liow a shock to the sexual emotions, injuring the emo-
tional life at its source, can scarcely fail sometimes to produce
such a result. But the necessity for nervous explosion still per-
' M. Roaenllial. "Diseases of tlie Nervous System." vol. ii, p. 44.
Ft'rt' notes similar cases, "'ruciiliclli Cciiliny Practice of INTcdicine,"
volume X, p. ^)~A.
AUTO-EROTISM. 161
sists.^ It may, indeed, persist, even in an abnormally strong
degree, in consequence of the inhibition of normal activities gen-
erally. The convulsive fit is the only form of relief open to the
tension. "A lady whom I long attended," remarks Ashwell,
"always rejoiced when the fit was over, since it relieved her sys-
tem generally, and especially her brain, from painful irritation
which had existed for several previous days." That the fit mostly
fails to give real satisfaction, and that it fails to cure the disease,
is due to the fact that it is a morbid form of relief. The same
character of hysteria is seen, with more satisfactory results for
the most part, in the influence of external nervous shock. It was
the misunderstood influence of such shocks in removing hysteria
which in former times led to the refusal to regard hysteria as a
serious disease. During the Rebellion of 1745-46 in Scotland
Cullen remarks that there was little hysteria. The same was true
of the French Revolution and of the Irish Rebellion, while Rush
(in a study "On the Influence of the American Revolution on the
Human Body") observed that many hysterical women were "re-
stored to perfect health by the events of the time." In such
cases the emotional tension is given an opportunity of explosion
in new and impersonal channels, and the chain of morbid per-
sonal emotions is broken.
It has been urged by some that the fact that the sexual
orgasm fails to remove the disorder in true hysteria excludes a
sexual factor of hysteria. It is really, one may point out, an
argument in favor of such an element as one of the factors of
hysteria. If there were no initial lesion of the sexual emotions,
if the natural healthy sexual channel still remained free for the
passage of the emotional overflow, then we should expect that it
would much oftener come into play in the removal of hysteria.
In the more healthy, merely h^^steroid condition, the psychic
sexual organism is not injured, and still responds normally, re-
moving the abnormal symptoms when allowed to do so. It is the
^ There seems to be a greater necessity for such explosive manifesta-
tions in women than in men, whatever the reason may be. I have
brought together some of the evidence pointing in this direction in "Man
and "Woman," Chapters xii and xiii.
11
10::^ PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
confusion between this almost natural condition and the truly
morbid condition, alone properly called hysteria, which led to
the ancient opinion, inaugurated by Plato and Hippocrates, that
hysteria may be cured by marriage. The difference may be illus-
trated bv the difference between a distended bladder which is
still able to contract normally on its contents when at last an
opportunity of doing so is afforded and the bladder in which dis-
tension has been so prolonged that nervous control had been lost
and spontaneous expulsion has become impossible. The first con-
dition corresponds to the constitution which, w'hile simulating
an hysterical condition, is healthy enough to react normally in
spite of psychic lesions; the second corresponds to a state in
which, owing to the prolonged stress of psychic traumatism, —
sexual or not, — a definite condition of hysteria has arisen. The
one state is healthy, though abnormal; the other is one of pro-
nounced morbidity.
There is some danger of misunderstanding in this suggestion
that a condition of true hysteria is linked on to almost healthy
states, and especially to a condition which may be described 'as
one of sex-hunger. But such a suggestion may help us to see
these puzzling phenomena in their true nature and perspective.
Provided, moreover, that we recognize the definite character of
hysteria as a disease, ^'one and indivisible/' we obtain greater
clearness rather than greater obscurity by recognizing, also, that
the phenomena observed by the ancients, though improperly con-
founded with hysteria, as we have finally learned to define its
symptoms (as well as with epilepsy), still have a basis of physio-
logical truth, and still have a bearing on the general psychology
of sex, as constituting a manifestation of auto-erotism.
At this point I may refer to the interesting parallel, and probable
real rclationsliip. between hysteria and chlorosis. As Luzet has said,
liysteria and clilorosis are sisters. We have seen that there is some
ground for regarding hysteria as an exaggerated form of a normal
]>rocess which is really an auto-erotic phenomenon. There is some
L'vonnd. also, for regarding chlorosis as the exaggeration of a physio-
logical state 'connected with sexual conditions, more specifically with
the preparation for maternity. Hysteria is so frequently associated
with anemic conditions that Biernacki has argued that such conditions
AUTO-EROTISM. 163
really constitute the primary and fundamental cause of hysteria {Neu-
rolofjischcs Ccntralhlatt. March, 1898). And centuries before Biernacki,
Sydenham had stated his belief that poverty of the blood is the chief
cause of hysteria.
It would be some confirmation of this position if we could believe
that chlorosis, like hysteria, is in some degree a congenital condition.
This \\as the view of Virchow, who regarded chlorosis as essentially de-
pendent on a congenital hypoplasia of the arterial system. Stieda, on
the basis of an elaborate study of twenty-three cases, has endeavored
to prove that chlorosis is due to a congenital defect of development
{Zeitschrift fiir Gehurtshiilfe nnd Gynukologie, vol. xxxii. Part 1, 1895).
His facts tend to prove that in chlorosis there are signs of general ill-
development, and that in particular there is imperfect development of
the breasts and sexual organs, with a tendency to contracted pelvis.
Charrin, again, regards utero-ovarian inadequacy as at least one of the
factors of chlorosis. Chlorosis, in its extreme form, may thus be regarded
as a disorder of development, a sign of physical degeneracy. Even if not
strictly a cause, a congenital condition may, as Stockman believes
{BritisJi Medical Journal, December 14, 1895), be a predisposing influ-
ence.
However it may be in extreme cases, there is very considerable
evidence to indicate that the ordinary anemia of young Avomen may be
due to a storing up of iron in the system, and is so far normal, being a
preparation for the function of reproduction. Some observations of
Bunge's seem to throw much light on the real cause of what may be
termed physiological chlorosis. He found by a series of experiments on
animals of diflerent ages that voung animals contain a much greater
amount of iron in their tissues than adult animals; that, for instance,
the body of a rabbit an hour after birth contains more than four times
as much iron as that of a rabbit two and a half months old. It thus
appears probable that at the period of puberty and later there is a
storage of iron in the system preparatory to the exercise of the maternal
functions. It is precisely between the ages of 15 and 23. as Stockman
found by an analysis of his own cases {British Medical Journal,
December 14, 1895), that the majority of cases occur; there was, indeed,
he found, no case in which the first onset was later than the age of 23.
A similar result is revealed by the charts of Lloyd Jones, which cover a
vastly greater number of cases.
It is to Lloyd Jones that we owe the most important contribution
to the knowledge of chlorosis in its physiological or normal relationships.
He has shown that chlorosis is but the exaggeration of a condition that
is normal at puberty (and in many women at each menstrual period),
and which, there is good reason to believe, even has a favorable influ-
ence on fertility. He found that light-complexioned persons are more
164 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
fertile than the dark complexioned, and that at the same time the blood
of the latter is of less specific gravity, containing less hemoglobin.
Lloyd Jones also reached the generalization that girls who have had
chlorosis are often remarkably pretty, so that the tendency to chlorosis
is associated with all the sexual and reproductive aptitudes that make
a woman attractive to a man. His conclusion is that the normal condi-
tion of which chlorosis is the extreme and pathological condition is a
preparation for motherhood (E. Lloj'd Jones, "Chlorosis: the Special
Anemia of Young Women," 1897; also numerous reports to the British
Medical Association, published in the British Medical Journal. There
was an interesting discussion of the theories of chlorosis at the Moscow
International Medical Congress in 1898; see proceedings of the congress,
volume iii, section v, pp. 224 et seq.).
We may thus, perhaps, understand why it is that hysteria and
anemia are often combined, and why they are botli most frequently
found in adolescent young women who have yet had no sexual experi-
ences. Chlorosis is a physical phenomenon, hysteria an auto-erotic
psychic phenomenon: yet both alike may, to some extent at least, be
regarded as sexual aptitude showing itself in extreme and pathological
forms.
III.
The Prevalence of Masturbation — Its Occurrence in Infancy and
Childhood — Is it More Frequent in Males or Females? — After Adolescence
Apparently More Frequent in Women — Reasons for the Sexual Distribu-
tion of Masturbation — The Alleged Evils of Masturbation — Historical
Sketch of the Views held on this Point — The Symptoms and Results of
Masturbation — Its Alleged Influence in causing Eye Disorders — Its Rela-
tion to Insanity and Nervous Disorders — The Evil Effects of Masturba-
tion Usually Occur on the Basis of a Congenitally Morbid Nervous Sys-
tem— Neurasthenia Probably the Commonest Accompaniment of Excess-
ive Masturbation — Precocious Masturbation Tends to Produce Aversion
to Coitus — Psychic Results of Habitual Masturbation — Masturbation
in Men of Genius — Masturbation as a Nervous Sedative — Typical Cases
— The Greek Attitude toward Masturbation — Attitude of the Catholic
Theologians — The Mohammedan Attitude — The Modern Scientific Atti-
tude— In "what Sense is Masturbation Normal?- — The Immense Part in
Life played by Transmuted Auto-erotic Phenomena.
The foregoing sketch will serve to show how vast is the field
of life — of normal, and not merely abnormal life — more or less
infused by auto-erotic phenomena. If, however, we proceed to
investigate precisely the exact extent, degree, and significance of
such phenomena, we are met by many difficulties. We find, in-
deed, that no attempts have been made to study auto-erotic
phenomena, except as regards the group — a somewhat artificial
group, as I have already tried to show — collected under the term
"masturbation," while even here such attempts ha\'e only been
made among abnormal classes of people, or have been conducted
in a manner scarcely likely to yield reliable results.^ Still there
is a certain sio'nificance in the more careful investio^ations which
have been made to ascertain the precise frequency of masturba-
tion.
Berger, an experienced specialist in nervous diseases, con-
^ For a bibliography of masturbation, see Rohleder, "Die Mastur-
bation," pp. 11-18.
(165)
166 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
eludes, in his '•Vorlesungen/*' that 99 per cent, of young men and
women masturbate occasionally, while the hundredth conceals
the truth ;^ and Hermann Cohn appears to accept this statement
as generally true in Germany. So high an estimate has. of course,
been called in question, and, since it appears to rest on no basis
of careful investigation, we need not seriously consider it. It
is useless to argue on suppositions; we must cling to our definite
evidence, even though it yields figures which are probably below
the mark. Rohlcdcr considers that during adolescence at least
95 per cent, of both sexes masturbate, but his figures are not
founded on precise investigation.- Moraglia, who made inquiry
of 200 women of the lower class in Italy, found that 120 acknowl-
edged either that they still masturbate or that they had done so
during a long period."^ This brings down Berger's 99 per cent,
to 60, though it must be admitted that it refers to another coun-
trv, and onlv a sinsfle sex; and makes no allowance for a balance
of unacknowledged practices or for only occasional indulgence
in masturbation. ''Here in Switzerland.'' a correspondent writes,
^'I have had occasion to learn from adult men, whom I can trust,
that they have reached the age of twent3^-five. or over, without
sexual congress. 'Wir liahen nicht dieses Bed'urfniss' is what they
say. But I believe that, in the case of the Swiss mountaineers,
moderate onanism is practiced, as a rule." In hot countries the
same habits are found at a more precocious age. In Venezuela,
for instance, among the white Spanish Creoles. Ernst found that
in all classes boys and girls are infested with the vice of onanism.
They learn it early, in the very beginning of life, from their wet-
nurses, generally low ^lulatto women, and many reasons help to
foster the habit: the young men are often dissipated and the
vounu wnuien of tou roiunin sinirlo.'* yicoforo. who shows a spe-
' Osf-ar "Borpor. .Xrcliiv fiir Psychiatric. B. 0. ISTO.
= "Dic :\Tasturl)ation." p. 41.
'Moraplia. "Die Onanic bcini nortiialcn Wcibc \\m\ hv\ don Prosti-
tutcn." Zcitsclirifl fiir Crimiiicllc .Xnthropoloprio. 1807. p. 489. It sl.ould
be added that Moraprlia is not a very critical invcstifjator. It is probable,
however, that on this point his results are an approximation to the truth.
' Kni-it. ".AnthropoIof.Mcal Researches on the Population of Vene-
zuela." "Mciiinir^ of llic Antliropolopical Society." vol. iii. 1S70. p. 277.
AUTO-EROTISM. 167
cial knowledge of the working-girl class at Rome, states that in
many milliners' and dress-makers' work-rooms, where vounsr
girls are employed, it frequently happens that during the
hottest hours of the day, between twelve and two, when the
mistress or forewoman is asleep, all the girls without excep-
tion give themselves np to masturbation.^ The medical officer
of a Prussian reformatory told Rohleder that nearly all the
inmates over the age of pnberty masturbated. Ferriani, who
has made an elaborate studv of youthful criminality in Italy,
states that even if all boys and girls among the general popula-
tion do not masturbate, it is certainly so among those that have
a tendency to crime. Among 458 adult male criminals, Marro
(as he states in his "Carateri dei Delinquenti") found that only
72 denied masturbation, while 386 had practiced it from an early
age, 140 of them before the age of thirteen.^ Among 30 criminal
women Moraglia found that 24 acknowledged the practice, at all
events in early youth (8 of them before the age of 10, a precocity
accompanied by average precocity in menstruation), while he sus-
pected that most of the remainder were not unfamiliar with the
practice. Among prostitutes of whatever class or position Mora-
glia foimd masturbation (though it must be pointed out that he
does not appear to distinguish masturbation very clearly from
homosexual practices) to be universal; in one group of 50 pros-
titutes everyone had practiced masturbation at some period; 28
began between the ages of 6 and 11; 19, between 12 and 14, the
most usual period — a precocious one — of commencing puberty;
the remaining 3 at 15 and 16; the average of commencing mas-
turbation, it may be added, was 11, while that of the first sexual
^ Xiceforo. "II Gergo nei Normali," etc., 1897, cap. v.
" Whi^e all the evidence shows that a similar condition of things
may be found everywhere among criminals, or at all events prisoners, of
the European race, I am doubtful how far the same is true of non-
European races. Dr. Buchanan, Superintendent of the Central Indian
Prison, at Bhagalpur, Avrites to me: "I have made frequent inquiries
about the prevalence of masturbation. It does not appear to be as com-
mon as I expected among prisoners. Among the well-to-do, badly trained
sons of wealthy natives," he added, "I have had frequent experience of
it in medical practice. I remember well the very bad case of a Christian
Bible teacher, who consulted me in horror at his Aveakness."
168 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
intercourse was 15.^ In a larger group of 180 prostitutes, be-
longing to Genoa, Turin, Venice, etc., and among 23 *'*elegant
cocottes,'' of Italian and foreign origin, Moraglia obtained the
same results; everyone admitted masturbation, and not less than
113 preferred masturbation, either solitary or mutual, to normal
coitus. Among the insane, as among idiots, masturbation is
somewhat more common among males, according to Blandford,
in England, as also it is in Germany, according to jSTacke,- while
Yenturi, in Italy, has found it more common anions: females.^
There appears to be no limit to the age at which spontaneous
masturbation may begin to appear. I have already referred to
the practice of thigh-rubbing in infants under one year of age.
J. P. West has reported in detail 3 cases of masturbation in very
early childhood — 2 in girls, 1 in a boy — in which the practice
had been acquired spontaneously, and could only be traced to
some source of irritation in pressure from clothing, etc."^ Prob-
ably there is often in such cases an hereditary lack of nervous
stability. Block has recorded the case of a girl — very bright for
her age, though excessively shy and taciturn — who began mas-
turbating spontaneously at the age of two; in this case the mother
had masturbated all her life, even continuing the practice after
marriage, and, though she succeeded in refraining during preg-
nancy, her thoughts still dwelt upon it, while the maternal grand-
mother had died in an asylum from ^^masturbatory insanity."
Xormally there appears to be a varying aptitude to experience the
sexual orgasm or any voluptuous sensations before puberty. I
find, on eliciting the recollections of normal persons, that in some
cases there have been voluptuous sensations from casual contact
with the sexual organs at a very early age; in other cases there lias
been occasional slight excitement from early years; in yet other
cases complete sexual anesthesia until the age of puberty. That
' Moraglia, Archivio di Psiehiatria, vol. xvi, faso. 4 and 5, p. 313.
• Sco liis caroful stiulv, "Dio Sox. perversit. in d. Irrenansalt," Psy-
chiatrisoho liladon. No. 2.'l89{).
"Venturi, "DcnrfMiorazioni Psico-sessuali." pp. 105, 133, 148. 152.
*J. P. Wost., "Transactions of the Oliio Pcdiatrio Society," 1895.
Abstract in Medical Standard, November, ]8!)5.
AUTO-EROTISM. ' 169
the latter condition is not due to mere absence of peripheral irri-
tation is shown by a case I am acquainted with, in which a boy of
7, incited by a companion, innocently attempted, at intervals
during several weeks, to produce erection by friction of the penis;
no result of any kind followed, although erections occurred spon-
taneously at puberty, with normal sexual feelings.
I am indebted to a correspondent for the following notes: —
"From my observation during five years at a boarding-school it
seems that eight out of ten boys were more or less addicted to the prac-
tice. But I would not state positively that such was the proportion of
masturbators among an average of thirty pupils, though the habit was
very common. T know that in one bedroom, sleeping seven boys, the
whole number masturbated frequently. The act was performed in bed, in
the closets, and sometimes in the class-rooms during lessons. Inquiry
among my friends as to onanism in the boarding-schools to which they
were sent elicited somewhat contradictory answers concerning the fre-
quency of the habit. Dr. , who went to a French school, told me
that all the older boys had younger accomplices in mutual masturbation.
He also spoke with experience of the prevalence of the practice in a
well-known public school in the Avest of England. B. said all the boys
at his school masturbated; G. stated that 7nost of his schoolmates were
onanists; L. said 'more than half was the proportion.
"At my school manual masturbation was both solitary and mutual;
and sometimes younger boys, who had not acquired the habit, were in-
duced to manipulate bigger boys. One very precocious boy of fifteen
always chose a companion of ten 'because his hand was like a woman's.'
Sometimes boys entered their friend's bed for mutual excitement. In
after-life they showed no signs of inversion. Another boy, aged about
14, who had been seduced by a servant-girl, embraced the bolster; the
pleasurable sensations, according to his statement, were heightened by
imagining that the bolster was a woman. He said that the enjoyment
of the act was greatly increased during the holidays, when he was
able to spread a pair of his sister's drawers upon the pillow, and so in-
tensify the illusion.
"Before puberty the boys appeared to be more continent than after-
ward. A few of the older and more intelligent masturbators regulated
the habit, as some married men regulate intercourse. The big boy re-
ferred to, who chose always the same manipulator, professed to indulge
only once in twenty days, his reason being that more frequent repetition
of the act would injure his health. About twice a week for boj's who had
reached puberty, and once a week for younger boys, was, I think, about
the average indulgence. I have never met with a parallel of one of
170 • PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
those cases of excessive masturbation recorded by many doctors. There
may have been such cases at this school: but, if so, the boys concealed
the frequency of their gratifications.
"My experience proved that many of the lads regarded masturba-
tion as reprehensible: but their plea was 'everyone does it.' Some, often
those who indulged inordinatelv and more secretlv than their com-
panions, gravely condemned the practice as sinful. A few seemed to
think there was 'no harm in it'; but that the habit might stunt the
growth and weaken the body if practiced very frequently. The greater
number made no attempt to conceal the habit, they enlarged upon the
pleasure of it: it was 'ever so much nicer than eating tarts,' etc.
"The chief cause I believe to be initiation by an older schoolmate.
But I have known accidental causes, such as the discovery that swarm-
ing up a pole pleasurably excited the organ, rubbing to allay irritation,
and simple curious handling of the erect penis in the early morning
before rising from bed."
I quote the foregoing communication as probably a fairly typical
experience in a British school, though I am myself inclined to think
that the prevalence of masturbation in schools is often much overrated,
for while in some schools the practice is doubtless rampant, in others it
is practically unknown, or at all events only practiced by a few indi-
viduals in secret. My own early recollections of (private) school-life fail
to yield any reminiscences of any kind connected with either masturba-
tion or homosexuality; and, while such happy ignorance may be the ex-
ception rather than the rule, I am certainly inclined to believe that —
owing to race and climate and healthier conditions of life — the sexual im-
pulse is less precocious and less prominently developed during the school-
age in England than In some Continental countries. It is probably to this
delayed development that Ave should attribute the contrast that Ferrero
finds ("L'Europa Giovane," pp. 151-5G), and certainly states too abso-
lutely, between the sexual reserve of young Englishmen and tlie sexual
immodesty of his own countrymen.
Tn Germany Xjicke has also recently stated ("Kritisches zum
Kapitel dcr Sexualitat," Archiv fiir Psychiatric, pp. 354-50, 189!)) that
he heard nothing at school either of masturbation or homosexuality,
and he records the experience of medical friends who stated that such
phenomena were only rare exceptions, and regarded by the majority of
the boys as exhibitions of "Schireinn'H." At other German schools, as
Hoche has shown, llie phenomena are very j)rcvaUMit. Tt is evident that
at different schools, and e\ on at the same school at different times, these
manifestations vary in frequency within wide limits.
Such variations, it seems to me, are due to two causes. Tn the
first place, they largely depend upon the character of the more influ-
ential elder boys. Tn the second place, they depend upon tlie attitude
AUTO-EROTISM. 171
of the head-master. With reference to this point I may quote from a
letter ^\ritten by an experienced master in one of the most famous
English public sciiools: "When I first came to , a quarter of a
century a^o, Dr. was making a crusade against this failing; boys
"Nvere sent away wholesale; the school was summoned and lectured
solemnly; and the more the severities, the more rampant the disease.
I thought to myself that the remedy was creating the malady, and I
heard afterward from an old boy that in those days they used to talk
things over by the fireside, and think there must be something very
choice in a sin that braved so much. Dr. went, and under
we never spoke of such things. Curiosity died down, and the thing itself,
I believe, was lessened. We were told to warn new boys of the dangers
to health and morals of such offences, lest the innocent should be caught
in ignorance. I have only spoken to a few; I think the great thing
is not to put it in boys' heads. I have noticed solitary faults most
commonly, and then I tell the boy how he is physically weakening him-
self. If you notice, it is puppies that seem to go against Xature, but
grown dogs never. So if two small boys acted thus I should think it
merely an instinctive feeling after Nature which would amend itself.
Many here would consider it a heinous sin, but those who think such
things sins make them sins. I have seen in the old days most delightful
little children sent away, branded with infamy, and scarce knowing why
— you might as well expel a boy for scratching his head when it itched.
I am sure the soundest way is to treat it as a doctor w^ould, and explain
to the boy the physical effects of overindulgence of any sort. When it
is combated from the monkish stand-point the evil becomes an epidemic."^
I am, however, far from anxious to indorse the policy of ignoring
the sexual phenomena of youth. It is not the speaking about such
things that should be called in question, but the wisdom and good sense
of the speaker. We ought to expect a head-master to possess both an
adequate acquaintance with the nature of the phenomena of auto-erotism
and homosexuality and a reasonable amount of tact in dealing with
boys; he may then fairly be trusted to exercise his own judgment. It
may be doubted whether boys should be made too alive to the existence
of sexual phenomena; there can be no doubt about their teachers. The
^ Xo doubt it is not impossible to coerce a school into the paths of
virtue. Dr. Hime, formerly head-master of Foyle College, Londonderry,
claims to have been successful by this method: but. ns ho admits, it is
necessary that the arrangements of the school should be largely made
witli a special view to the prevention of such offences (C. W. Hime,
"Schoolboys' Special Immorality," 1899). Such a state of things can
scarcely be wholesome nor constitute a fitting preparation for the world.
A much better plan is the introduction of the healthy association of the
sexes in co-education.
IT:^ PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
same is, of course, true as regards girls, among whom the same phe-
nomena, though less obtrusive, are not less liable to occur.
As to whether masturbation is more common in one sex than
the other, there have been considerable differences of opinion.
Tissot considered it more prevalent among women; Christian be-
lieves it commoner anions: men: Deslandes held that there are
no sexual differences, and Gamier is doubtful. Lawson Tait, in
his ''Diseases of Women/" stated his opinion that, while very
common among boys, it is relatively rare among women, and
then usually taught. Spitzka also finds it relatively rare among
women, and Dana considers it commoner in boys than in girls
or adults.^ Moll is inclined to think that masturbation is less
common in women and girls than in the male sex. Rohleder
believes that after puberty, when it is equally common in both
sexes, it is more frequently found in men, but that women mas-
turbate with more passion and imaginative fervor.- Sudduth
says it is equally prevalent in both sexes. This is also the opinion
of Kellogg, who adds that women are more secretive. Morris
considers, on the other hand, that persistent masturbation is
commoner in women, and accounts for this by the healthier life
and traditions of boys. Pouillet, who studied the matter with
considerable thoroughness in France, came to the conclusion
that masturbation is commoner among women, among whom he
found it to be equally prevalent in rich and poor, and especially
so in the irreat centres of civilization. Xacke. in Germanv, con-
' This is, no doubt, the most common o])inion. and it is froijuently
repeated in text-books. It is scarcely necessary, however, to point out
that only the opinions of those who have given special attention to the
matter can carrv any weight. R. W. Shuf«'ldt (**0n a Case of Fomale
Impotency." pp. 5-7) quotes the opinions of various cautiou< ob>:crv(rs
as to the difticulty of detecting masturbation in women.
-This latter opinion is confirmed by Xiicke so far as the insane are
concerned. In a careful study of sexual perversity in a large asylum,
Niicke found that, while moderate masturbation could be more easily
traced among men than among women, excessive masturbation was
more common aiiKing women. And. while among the men masturbation
was most frequent in tbe lowest grades of mental development (idiocy
and imbecility) and least freiiuent in the highest grades (general pa-
ralysis), in the women it was the reverse. (P. Xiicke, "Die Sexuellen Per-
versitaten in der Irrenanstalt." Psvchiatrische en Xcurologische Bladen,
Xo. •_>. moo.i
AUTO-EKOTISM. 173
siders that there is much evidence pointing in the same direction.
Moraglia, also, is decidedly of the opinion, on the ground of his
own observations already alluded to, that masturbation is more
frequent among women; he refers to the fact — a very significant
fact, as I shall elsewhere have to point out — that, while in man
there is only one sexual centre, the penis, in woman there are
several centres, — the clitoris, the vagina, the uterus, the breasts,^
— and he mentions that he knew a prostitute, a well-developed
brunette of somewhat nervous temperament, who boasted that
she knew fourteen ways of masturbating herself.
My own opinion is that the question of the sexual distribu-
tion of masturbation has been somewhat obscured by that harm-
ful tendency, to which I have already alluded, to concentrate
attention on a particular set of auto-erotic phenomena. We must
group and divide our facts rationally if we wish to command
them. If we confine our attention to very young children, the
available evidence shows that the practice is much more common
in females,^ and such a result is in harmony with the fact that
precocious puberty is most often found in female children.^ At
puberty and adolescence occasional or frequent masturbation is
very common in both boys and girls, though, I believe, less com-
mon than is sometimes supposed; it is difficult to say whether it
is more prevalent among boys or girls; one would be inclined
to conclude that it prevails chiefly among boys, if it were not for
the fact that boys' traditions and their more active life keep the
tendency in abeyance, w^hile in girls there is much less frequently
^Mammary masturbation sometimes occurs; see, e.()., Rohleder,
"Die Masturbation" (pp. 32-33) ; it is, however, rare, and I have never
met with it in an auto-erotic form.
- Hirschsprung pointed out this, indeed, fifteen years ago, on the
ground of his own experience. And see Rohleder, pp. 44-47.
^ In many cases, of course, the physical precocity is associated with
precocity in sexual habits. An instructive case is reported (Alienist and
Xeurologist. October. 1895) of a girl of 7. a beautiful child of healthy
family, and very intelligent, who from the age of 3 was perpetually
masturbating wlien not watched. The clitoris and mons veneris were
those of a fully-grown woman, and the child was as well infonned upon
most subjects as an average woman. She was cured by care and hygienic
attention, and when seen last Avas in excellent condition.
174 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
»
an}' restraining influence of corresponding character.^ In my
study of inversion I have found that ignorance and the same ab-
sence of tradition are probably factors in the prevalence of homo-
sexual tendencies among women.- After adolescence I think
there can be no doubt that masturbation is more common in
women than in men. Men have, by this time, mostly adopted
some method of sexual gratification with the opposite sex; women
are to a much larger extent shut out from such gratification;
moreover, while in rare cases women are sexually precocious, it
more often happens that their sexual impulses only gain strength
and self-consciousness after adolescence has passed. I have been
much impressed by the frequency with which masturbation is
occasionally (especially about the period of menstruation) prac-
ticed by active, intelligent, and healthy women, who otherwise
lead a chaste life. This experience is confirmed by others, who
are in a position to ascertain the facts among normal people;
thus a lady, who has received the confidence of many women, told
me that she believes that all women, who remain unmarried,
masturbate, as she found so much evidence pointing in this direc-
tion.^ This statement certainly needs some qualification, though
I believe it is not far from the truth as regards young and
healthy women who, after having normal sexual relationships,
have been compelled for some reason or other to break them off
and lead a lonely life. But we have to remember that there are
some women, evidently with a considerable degree of congenital
^ R. T. Morris, of New York, has also pointed out tlio infliuMicc of
traditions in this respect. "Among boys," he remarks, "there are tradi-
tions to the eftect that self-abuse is harmful, so that about the only
boys wlio injure themselves badly by masturbation are the ones whose
parents keep them away from other boys, for fear that they may learn
bad habits, and the boys who live in thinly-settled country-districts.
Among the girls, however, there are no such saving traditions, and when
preputial adliesions call the girl's attention to the clitoris, she may
become a ])ersistent masturbator." I quote this jiassage because I think
it attributes somewhat too large a part to tradition, which is by no
means the only restraining influence.
-II. l':ilis, "Studies in the Psvchologv of Sex," volume i, "Sexual
Inversion," ( ha])ter IV.
^ It will be possible to give greater precision to the foregoing state-
ments when, in a subsequent volume of these "Studies," I proceed to
analyze the sexual histories of normal jiei'^ons.
AUTO-EKOTISM, 175
sexual anesthesia (no doubt, in some respect or another below the
standard of normal health), in whom the sexual instinct has never
been aroused, and who not only do not masturbate, but do not
show any desire for normal gratification; while in a large pro-
portion of other cases the impulse is gratitied passively in ways
I have already referred to. The auto-erotic phenomena which
take place in this way, spontaneously, by yielding to revery, with
little or no active interference, certainly occur much more fre-
quently in women than in men. On the other hand, contrary to
what one might be led to expect, the closely-related auto-erotic
phenomena during sleep seem to take place more frequently in
men, although in women, as we have found ground for conclud-
ing, they reverberate much more widely and impressively on the
waking psychical life.
We must now turn to that aspect of our subject which in
the past has always seemed the only aspect of auto-erotic phe-
nomena meriting attention: the symptoms and results of mas-
turbation. It appears to have been an Englishman w^ho, at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, first called attention to the
supposed evils of masturbation. His book was published in Lon-
don, and entitled: "Onania, or the Heinous Sin of Self-pollu-
tion, and all its Frightful Consequences in both Sexes, Consid-
ered, wdth Spiritual and Physical Advice,'^ etc. It is not a serious
medical treatise, but an early and certainly superior example of a
kind of literature which we have since become familiar with in
all the daily newspapers. A large part of the book, which is
cleverly written, is devoted in the later editions to the letters of
nervous and hypochondriacal young men and women, who are
too shy to visit the author, but request him to send a bottle of
his "Strengthening Tincture," and mention that they are inclos-
ing half a guinea, a guinea, or still larger sum. Concerning the
composition of the "Strengthening Tincture" w^e are not in-
formed.^ This Avork, which was subsequently attributed to a
^ It may, however, be mstructive to observe that at the end of the
volume we find an advertisement of "Dr. Robinson's treatise on the
Virtues and Efficacy of a Crust of Bread, Eat Early in the Morning Fast-
ing."
1T6 PSYCHOLOGY OJF SEX.
writer named Bekkers (who is not to be found in the ^"'Dictionary
of National Biography"") is said to have passed through no less
than eighty editions, and it was translated into German. Tissot,
a physician of Launsanne, followed with his "Traite de I'Onan-
isme: Dissertation sur les Maladies produites par la Masturba-
tion/' first published in Latin (1?60), then in French (1T64),
and afterward in nearly all European languages. He regarded
masturbation as a crime, and as "an act of suicide." His book
is a production full of amusing exaggeration and rhetoric, zeal-
ously setting forth the prodigious evils of masturbation in a
style which combines, as Christian remarks, the strains of Eous-
S€au with a vein of religious piety. Tissot included only manual
self -abuse under the term, '"onanism'"; shortly afterward, Vol-
taire, in his "Dictionnaire Philosophique," took up the subject,
giving it a wider meaning and still further popularizing it.
Finally Lallemand, at a somewhat later period (183G), wrote a
book which was, indeed, more scientific in character, but which
still sought to represent masturbation as the source of all evils.
These four writers — the author of ^'Onania,"' Tissot, Voltaire,
Lallemand — are certainly responsible for much. The mistaken
notions of many medical authorities, carried on by tradition, even
down to our own time; the powerful lever which has been put
into the hand of unscrupulous quacks; the suffering, dread, and
remorse experienced in silence by many, thousands of ignorant
and often innocent young people, may all be traced, in large
measure, back to these four well-meaning, but (on this question)
misguided, authors.
There is really no end to the list of real or supposed S3rmp-
toms and results of masturbation, as given by various medical
writers during the present century. Insanity, epilepsy, numer-
ous forms of eye disease, supra-orbital headache, occipital head-
ache (Spitzka), strange sensations at the top of the head (Savage),
various forms of neuralgia (Anstie, J. Chajnnan), tenderness of the
skin in the lower dorsal region (Chapman), mammary tenderness
(Lacassagne), asthma (Peyer), the appearance of vesicles on
wounds (Bararliic), acne and otlicr forms of cutaneous eruptions
(the author of "Onania," Clipson), dilated pupils (Skene, Lewis,
AUTO-EROTISM. 177
Moraglia), eyes directed upward and sideways (Poiiillet), dark
rings around tlie eyes, painful menstruation (J. Chapman), ca-
tarrh of uterus and vagina (Winckel, Pouillet), hypertrophied
sexual organs, pale and discolored skin (Lewis, Moraglia), red-
ness of nose (Gruner), epistaxis (Joal, J. N. Mackenzie), morbid
changes in nose (Fliess), convulsive cough of puberty (Gowers),
acidity of vagina (li. W. Shufeldt), incontinence of urine in young
women (Girandeau), warts on the hands in women (Durr, Kriech-
mar, von Oye), hallucinations of smell, hallucinations of hearing
(Griesinger, Lewis), a statuesque bearing, indican in the urine
(Herter), an indescribable odor of the skin in women (Skene),
these are but a few of the signs and consequences of masturbation
given by various prominent authorities.^
That many of these manifestations do occur in connection
with masturbation is unquestionable; there is also good reason
to believe that some of them mav be the results of masturba-
tion acting on an imperfectly healthy organism. But in all
such cases we must speak with great caution, for there appears
to be little reliable evidence to show that simple masturbation,
in a well-born and healthy individual, can produce any evil re-
sults beyond slight functional disturbances, and these only when
it is practiced in excess. To illustrate the real pathological re-
lationships of masturbation, a few typical and important disorders
may be briefly considered.
The delicate mechanism of the eye is one of the first portions
of the nervous apparatus to be disturbed by any undue strain
on the system; it is not surprising that masturbation should be
widely incriminated as a cause of eye troubles. If, however, we
inquire into the results obtained by the most cautious and ex-
perienced ophthalmological observers, it grows evident that mas-
turbation, as a cause of disease of the eve, becomes mera^ed into
wider causes. In Germany, Hermann Cohn, the distinguished
ophthalmic surgeon of Breslau, has dealt fully with the ques-
^ Pouillet alone enumerates and apparently accepts considerably over
one hundred different morbid conditions as signs and results of mastur-
bation.
12
176 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
±ion.^ Cohn, who believes that all young men and women mas-
turbate to some extent, finds that masturbation must be excessive
for eye trouble to become apparent. In most of his cases there
was masturbation several times daily during from five to seven
years, in many during ten years, and in one during twenty-three
years. In such cases we are obviously dealing with abnormal per-
sons, and no one will dispute the possibility of harmful results;
in some of the cases, when masturbation was stopped, the eye
trouble improved. Even in these cases, however, the troubles
were but slight, the chief being, apparently, photopsia (a sub-
jective sensation of light), with otherwise normal conditions of
pupil, vision, color-sense, and retina. In some cases there was
photophobia, and he has also foimd paralysis of accommodation
and conjunctivitis. At a later date Salmo Cohn, in his compre-
hensive monograph on the relationship between the eye and the
sexual organs in women, brought together numerous cases of eye
troubles in young women associated with masturbation, but in
most of these cases masturbation had been practiced with great
frequency for a long period and the ocular affections were usu-
ally not serious.- In England, Power has investigated the rela-
tions of the sexual system to eye disease. He is inclined to think
that the effects of masturbation have been exaggerated, but he
believes that it may produce such for the most part trivial com-
plaints as photopsiae, muscae, muscular asthenopia, possibly ble-
pharospasm, and perhaps conjunctivitis. He goes on, howevci-,
to point out that more serious complaints of the eye are caused
])y excess in normal coitus, by sexual abstinence, and especially
by disordered menstruation. Thus we see that even when we
are considering a mechanism so delicately poised and one so easily
disturbed by any jar of the system as vision, masturbation pro-
duces no effect except wlicn carried to an extent which argues an
hereditarily imperfect organism, while even in these cases the
efTof-ts are usually but slight; are, nioreovei'. in no respect spe-
' "Aii^'onkianklioiten bei Masturbanten,"' Knapp-Schweigger's Archiv
fill- Au;:('nlicilkuTi(lr, ^^. 11. 1SS2, p. 108.
^"<alI^(> Cohn, "Uterus unci Auge,' 1890. pp. C3-G0.
AUTO-EROTISM. 179
cific; but arc ])nrallelcd and even exceeded by the results of other
disturbances of the sexual system.
Let us turn to the supposed influence of masturbation in
causing insanity and nervous diseases. Here we may chiefly
realize the immense influence exerted on medical science by
Tissot and his followers during a hundred years. Sir William
Ellis, an alienist of considerable reputation at the beginning of
the present century, could write with scientiflc equanimity: "I
have no hesitation in saying that, in a very large number of pa-
tients in all public asylums, the disease may be attributed to that
cause." He does, indeed, admit that it may be only a symptom
sometimes, but goes on to assert that masturbation "has not
hitherto been exhibited in the awful light in which it deserves
to be shown," and that "in by far the greater number of cases"
it is the true cause of dementia.^ Esquirol lent his name and
influence to a similar view of the pernicious influence of mas-
turbation. ThroiTghout the century, even down to the present
day, this point of view has been traditionally preserved in a modi-
fied form. In apparent ignorance of the enormous prevalence of
masturbation, and without, so far as can be seen, any attempt
to distinguish between cause and effect or to eliminate the hered-
itary neuropathic element, many alienists have set down a large
proportion of cases of insanity, idiocy, epilepsy, and diseases of
the spinal cord to uncomplicated masturbation. Thus, at the
Matteawan State Hospital (New York) for criminal lunatics and
insane prisoners, from 1875 to 1897, masturbation was the sole
assigned cause of insanity in 120 men (out of 1630), and was con-
nected with various causes in numerous other cases; while, ac-
cording to Dr. Clara Barrus, among 121 cases of insanity in young
women, masturbation is the cause in ten cases. ^ It is unneces-
sary to multiply examples, for this traditional tendency is familiar
to all.
It appears to have been largely due to the genius of Grie-
singer, in the middle of the present century, that we owe the
^ W. Ellis. "Treatise on Insanity," 1838. pp. 335. 340.
^ Clara Barrus, "Insanity in Young Women," Journal of Nervous
and Mental Disease, June. 1896.
180 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
first authoritative appearance of a saner, more discriminating
view regarding the results of masturbation.^ Although still to
some extent fettered by the traditions prevalent in his day, Grie-
singer saw that it was not so much masturbation itself as the
feelings aroused in sensitive minds by the social attitude toward
masturbation which produced evil effects. "That constant strug-
gle/^ he wrote, •'against a desire which is even overpowering, and
to which the individual always in the end succumbs, that hidden
strife between shame, repentance, good intentions, and the irri-
tation which impels to the act, this, after not a little acquaintance
with onanists, we consider to be far more important than the pri-
mary direct physical effect." He added that there are no specific
signs of masturbation, and concluded that it is oftener a symp-
tom than a cause. The general progress of educated opinions
since that date has, in the main, confirmed and carried forward
the results cautiously stated by Griesinger. This distinguished
alienist thought that, when practiced in childhood, masturbation
might lead to insanity. Berkhan, in his investigation of the
psychoses of childhood, found that in no single case was mas-
turbation a cause. Vosfel, Uffelmann, and Emmins^haus, in the
course of similar studies, have all come to almost similar con-
clusions.- It is only on a congenitally morbid nervous system,
Emminghaus insists, that masturbation can produce any serious
results. "Most of the cases charged to masturbation," writes
Kiernan (in a private letter), basing his opinion on wide clinical
experience, "are either hebephrenia or hysteria in which an effect
is taken for the cause." Christian, during twenty years' experi-
ence in hospitals, asylums, and private practice in town and
count rv, hns not f(unul anv seriouslv evil effects from masturba-
' A friend tolls nic that Sir Everard Home (who was iindor the in-
lluence of John Iluntor and used his manuscripts) states in one of his
<urfjical works that occasional masturbation, about the ajje of puberty,
may be physically beneficial rather than otherwise; but I have not seen
the passage.
• See, for instance. H. Emminghaus, "Die Psychosen des Kindesal-
lers." "Gerlandt's TTandbuch dor Kinder-Kranklioiten." \achtrng TT. pp.
01-03.
AUTO-EROTISM. 181
tion.^ He thinks, indeed, that it mav be a more serious evil in
women than in men. But Yellowlees considers that in women
"it is possibly less exhausting and injurious than in the other
sex"; and Xiicke, who has given special attention to this point,
could not find that masturbation is a definite cause of insanity
in women in a single case.- Koch also reaches a similar conclu-
sion, as reo:ards both sexes, thousrh he admits that masturbation
may cause some degree of psychopathic deterioration. Even in
this respect, however, he points out that "when' practiced in mod-
eration it is not injurious in the certain and exceptionless way
in which it is believed to be in many circles. It is the people
whose nervous systems are already injured who masturbate most
easily and practice it more immoderately than others'"; the chief
source of its evil is self-reproach and the struggle with the im-
pulse.^ Kahlbaum, it is true, under the influence of the older
tradition, when thirty years ago he erected katatonia into a sep-
arate disorder (not always accepted in later times), regarded pro-
longed and excessive masturbation as a chief cause, but I am not
aware that he ever asserted that it was a sole and sufficient cause
in a healthy organism. Kiernan, one of the earliest writers on
katatonia, was careful to point out that masturbation was prob-
ably as much effect as cause of the morbid nervous condition.*
Maudsley (in "'Body and Mind") recognizes masturbation as a
special exciting cause of a characteristic form of insanity; but
he is careful to add: "Nevertheless, I think that self-abuse sel-
dom, if €ver, produces it without the co-operation of the insane
neurosis." Schtile also recognized a specific masturbatory in-
sanity, but the general tendency to reject any such nosological
form is becoming marked; Krafft-Ebing has long since rejected
it and Xiicke decidedly opposes it. It is true that Marro, in his
recently published admirable and detailed study of the normal
and abnormal aspects of ptiberty, accepts a form of masturbatory
^ Christian, article "Onanisme," "Dictionnaire encyclopedique des
sciences niedicales.**
- Niicke, "Verbrechen und Wahnsinn beim Weibe." 1894. p. 57.
^J. L. A. Koch, "Die Psychopathischen Minderwertigkeiten," 1892.
p. 273 et seq.
* J. G. Kiernan, American Journal of Insanity. Julv. 1877.
182 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
insanity; but the only ilhistrative case he brings forward is a
young man possessing various stigmata of degeneracy and the
son of an alcoholic father; such a case tells us nothing regard-
ing the results of simple masturbation.^ Even Spitzka, who
maintained several years ago the traditional views as to the
terrible results of masturbation, and recognized a special ''in-
sanity of masturbation/^ stated his conclusions with a caution
that undermined his position: "Self-abuse/'^ he concluded, '"to
become a sole cause of insanity, must be begun early and carried
very far. In persons of sound antecedents it rarely, under these
circumstances, suffices to produce an actual vesania.^'- Wlien
we remember that there is no convincing evidence to show
that masturbation is "begun early and carried very far" by "per-
sons of sound antecedents,'^ the significance of Spitzka's "typical
psychosis of masturbation" is somewhat annulled. It is evident
that these distinguished investigators, Marro and Spitzka, have
been induced by tradition to take up a position which Iheir own
scientific consciences have compelled them practically to evacuate.
The more recent autlioiities are almost unanimous in rejecting
masturbation as a cause of insanity.
It is noteworthy that Rohleder, in his recent comprehensive mono-
graph ("Die Masturbation," 1899, pp. 185-92), although taking a very
serious view of the evil results of masturbation, points out tlio unanim-
ity which is now tending to prevail on this point, and lays it down
that "masturbation is never the direct cause of insanity." Sexual ex-
cesses of any kind, ho adds (following Curschmann), can, at the most,
merely give an impetus to a latent form of insanity. On tlic whole, he
concludes, the best authorities are unanimous in agreeing that mastur-
bation may certainly injure mental capacity by weakening memory and
depressing intellectual energy; that, further, in hereditarily neurotic
subjects, it may produce slight psychoses like folie ilu doutc, hypo-
chondria, hysteria; that, finally, under no circumstances cmti it ])roduce
severe psj'choses like paranoia or general paralysis. The more moderate
view now tending to prevail may also be illustrated from a book which
has been widely accepted as an adequate summary of modern doctrines
of insanity. "If it caused insanity as often as some claim," Kellogg
'Marro. "La PubertA," Turin, 1898. p. 174.
^ K. C. Spil/.ka. "Cases of Masturbation." Journal of "Mental Science,
July, 18SS.
AUTO-EROTISM. 183
states, "the whole race would long since have passed into masturbatic
degeneracy of mind. . . . It is especially injurious in the very young
and in all who have weak nervous systems," but "the physical traits
attributed to the habit are common to thousands of neurasthenic and
neurotic individuals." (Kellogg, "A Text-book of Mental Diseases,"
1897, pp. 94-95.) Again, at the outset of the article on "Masturbation"
in Tuke's "Dictionary of Psychological Medicine," Yellowlees states
that, on account of the mischief formerly done by reckless statements,
it is necessary to state plainly that "unless the practice has been long
and greatly indulged, no permanent evil effects may be observed to fol-
low." Nil eke, again, has recently declared ("Kritisches zum Kapitel der
Sexualitiit," Archir fiir Psychiatrie, 1899) : "There are neither somatic
nor psychic symptoms peculiar to onanism. Xor is there any specific
onanistic psychosis. I am prepared to deny that onanism ever produces
any psychoses in those who are not already predisposed." That such
a view' is now becoming widely prevalent is illustrated by the cautious
and temperate discussion of masturbation in a recent work by a non-
medical writer, Geofl'rey Mortimer ("Chapters on Human Love," pp. 199-
205).
r
The testimony of expert witnesses with regard to the influ-
ence of masturbation in producing other forms of psychoses and
neuroses is becoming equally decisive; and here, also, the tradi-
tions of Tissot are being slowly effaced. ^^I have not, in the whole
of my practice," wrote West, over thirty years ago, "out of a large
experience among children and women, seen convulsions, epi-
lepsy, or idiocy induced by masturbation in any child of either
sex. Xeither have I seen any instance in which hysteria, epi-
lepsy, or insanity in women after puberty was due to masturba-
tion, as its efficient cause. "^ Gowers speaks somewhat less posi-
tively, but regards masturbation as not so much a cause of true
epilepsy as of atypical attacks, sometimes of a character inter-
mediate between the hysteroid and the epileptoid form; this re-
lationship he has frequently seen in boys.^ Leyden, among the
causes of diseases of the spinal cord, does not include any form
^Charles "West, Lancet, November 17. 1866. As regards hysteria
having its origin before puberty. Freud speaks with equal decision,
though he points out is frequent association with masturbation (Xeu-
rologisches Centralblatt, No. 10, 1896). Fere, on the other hand, considers
that onanism mav be a cause of hvsteria.
= Gowers, "Epilepsy," 1881, p."31.
1S4 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
of sexual excess. Erb remarks: "In moderation, masturbation is
not more dangerous to the spinal cord than natural coitus, and
has no bad effects'';^ it makes no difference, Erb considers,
whether the orgasm is effected normally or in solitude. This is
also the opinion of Toulouse, of Fiirbringer, and of Curschmann.
While these authorities are doubtless justified in refusing to ascribe
to masturbation any part in the production of psychic or nervous dis-
eases, it seems to me that they are going somewhat beyond their province
when they assert that masturbation has no more injurious effect than
coitus. If the sexual orgasm were a purely physiological phenomenon,
this position would be sound. But the sexual orgasm is normally bound
up with a mass of powerful emotions aroused by a person of the oppo-
site sex. It is in the joy caused by the play of these emotions, as well
as in the discharge of the sexual orgasm, that the satisfaction of coitus
resides. In the absence of the desired partner the orgasm, wliatever re-
lief it may give, must be followed by a sense of dissatisfaction, perhaps
of depression, even of exhaustion. Practically, also, there is more prob-
ability of excess in masturbation than in coitus, and more likelihood of
arousinsr the orgasm when the nervous svstem is exhausted, as well as of
doing so with undue violence. Whether, as some have asserted, mas-
turbation involves a greater nervous effort than coitus is more doubtful.
(See, also, a discussion of these points by Rohleder. "Die Masturbation,"
pp. 168-175.) It thus seems somewhat misleading to assert that mas-
turbation has no more injurious effect than coitus.
Reviewing the general question of the supposed grave symp-
toms and signs of masturbation, and its pernicious results, we
may reach the conclusion that in the case of moderate masturba-
tion in healthy, well-born individuals, no pernicious results fol-
low.- With regard to the general signs, we may accept, as con-
cerns both sexes, what the Obstetrical and Gynecological Society
of Berlin decided in 1861. in a discussion of it in women, that
there are none which can l)e regarded as reliable.^ With res^ard
'Ziemssen's "Handlmch,"' B. 11.
- It is interesting to note that an analogous result seems to hold
with animals. Among highly-bred horses excessive masturbation is liable
to occur w ith injurious results. It is scarcely necessary to point out that
highly-bred liorses are abnormal.
' With regard to the physical signs, the same conclusion is reached
by Legludic (in opposition to Martineau) on the basis of a large experi-
ence. He has repeatedly found in young girls, wlio acknowledged fre-
AUTO-EROTISM. 185
to alleged pernicious results generally, we may note the con-
clusion reached by Sir James Paget many years ago in his lecture
on ''Sexual Hypochondriasis'*: ''Masturbation/'" he said, "does
neither more or less harm than sexual intercourse practiced with
the same frequency in the same conditions of general health and
age and circumstances. Fwish/'" he added, •'that I could say some-
thing worse of so nasty a practice.'' As I have already stated, we
may certainly say ''something worse," by pointing out that if
masturbation often does no more harm than sexual intercourse,
it usually does less good. And we may conclude finally, with
Clouston, that the opposing views on the subject may be simply
explained by the fact that the writers on both sides have ignored
or insufficiently recognized the influence of heredity and tem-
perament. They have done precisely what so many unscientific
writers on inebriety have continued to do unto the present day,
when describing the terrible results of alcohol without pointing
out that the chief factor in such cases has not been the alcohol,
but the organization on which the alcohol acted. Many healthy
persons of sound stock can bear witness that not only the mod-
erate use of alcohol, but even occasional excess, produces no seri-
ous result. Excess may act, according to the familiar old-fash-
ioned adage, like the lighted match. But we must always remem-
ber the obvious truth, that it makes a considerable difference
whether you threw your lighted match into a powder magazine or
into the sea.
While we may thus dismiss the extravagant views widely
held during the past century, concerning the awful results of
masturbation, as due to ignorance and false tradition, it must be
pointed out that, even in healthy or moderately healthy indi-
viduals, any excess in solitary self-excitement may still produce
results which, thous^h slis:ht, are vet harmful. The skin, dis:es-
tion, and circulation may all be disordered; headache and neu-
quent masturbation, that the organs were perfectly healthy and normal,
and his convictions are the more noteworthy, since he speaks as a pupil
of Tardieu. who attached very grave significance to the local signs of
sexual perv'ersitv and excess. Legludic. "Xotes et Observations de Mede-
cine Leo-ale.-"' 1896. p. 95.
186 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
ralgia ma}' occur; and, as in normal sexual excess or in undue
frequency of sexual excitement during sleep, there is a certain
general lowering of nervous tone. Probably the most important
of the comparatively frequent results — though this also arises
usually on a somewhat morbid soil — is neurasthenia, with its
manifold symptoms. There can be little doubt that the ancient
belief, dating from Hippocrates, that sexual excesses produce
^pinal disease, as well as the belief that masturbation causes in-
sanitv, are larsrelv due to the failure to dias^nose neurasthenia.
The following case of neurasthenia, recorded by Eulenberg. may
be given as a classical picture of the nervous disturbances which may
be associated with masturbation, and are frequently regarded as solely
caused by habits of masturbation : ]\Iiss H. H., 28 years of age, robust,
of dark complexion, with fully-developed figure, without any trace of
anemia or chlorosis, but with apathetic expression, bluish rings around
the eyes, with hypochondriacal and melancholy feelings. She complains
of pressure on the head ("as if head would burst"), giddiness, ringing
in the ears, photopsia. hemicrania, pains in the back and at sacrum,
and all the syndromes of spinal adynamia, with a sense of fatigue on the
least exertion in walking or standing; she sways when standing with
closed eyes, tendon-reflexes exaggerated; there is a sense of oppression,
intercostal neuralgia, and all the signs of neurasthenic dyspepsia; and
cardialgia, nausea, flatulence, meteorism, and alternate constipation and
diarrha'a. She chiefly complains of a feeling of weight and pain in the
abdomen, caused by the slightest movement, and of a form of pollution
(with clitoridian spasms), especially near menstruation, with copious
flow' of mucus, characteristic pains, and hyperexcitability. Menstruation
was irregular and profuse. Examination showed tumid and elongated
nynipha', with brown pigmentation; large vagina, with rudimentary
hymen; and retrofk^xion of uterus. After much persuasion the patient
confessed that, when a girl of 12, and as the result of repeated attempts
at coitus by a boy of 10. slie had been impelled to frequent masturbation.
This had caused great shame and remorse, which, however, had not
sufficed to restrain the liabit. Her mother having died, she lived alone
\\ ith her father, and had no one in w hom to confide. Regarding lierself
as no longer a virgin, she liad refused several offers of marriage, and
thus still further aggravated her mmtal condition.
Since "Heard first described neurasthenia, many diverse opinions
have been expressed concerning the rehitionships of sexual irregularities
to neurasthenia. Gilles de la Tourette, in his little monograpli on neu-
rasthenia, following the traditions of Charcot's school, dismisses the ques-
AUTO-EROTISM. 187
tion of any sexual causation without discussion. Binswanger ("Die
Pathologic und Therapie der Xeurasthenic"), while admitting that
nearly all neurasthenic persons acknowledge masturbation at some
period, considers it is not an important cause of neurasthenia, only dif-
fering from coitus by the fact that the opportunities for it are more fre-
quent, and that the sexual disturbances of neurasthenia are, in the ma-
jority of cases, secondary. Rohleder, on the other hand, wlio takes a
very grave A^iew of the importance of masturbation, considers that its
most serious results are a question of neurasthenia. Kraflft-Ebing has
declared his opinion that masturbation is a cause of neurasthenia. T. D.
Savill ("Clinical Lectures on Neurasthenia," 1899, p. 37) regards mas-
turbation as an important causal agent of neurasthenia. Collins and
Phillip {Medical Record, March 25, 1899), in an analysis of 333 cases of
neurasthenia, found that 123 cases were apparently due to overwork or
masturbation. Freud concludes that neurasthenia proper can nearly
always be traced to excessive masturbation or to some interference with
the normal sexual act. This view is confirmed by Gattel's careful study
("Ueber die Sexuellen Ursachen der Neurasthenic und Angstneurose,"
i898). Gattel investigated 100 consecutive cases of severe functional
nervous disorder in the clinic of Professor KraflPt-Ebing at Vienna, and
found that in every case of neurasthenia in a male (28 in all) there was
masturbation, while of the 15 women with neurasthenia only 1 is recorded
as not masturbating, and she practiced coitus reservatus. Irrespective of
the particular form of the nervous disorder, Gattel found that 18 women
out of 42 and 36 men out of 58 acknowledged masturbation. (This shows
a slightly larger proportion among the men, but the men were mostly
young, while the women were mostly of more mature age.) It must,
however, always be remembered tliat we have no equally careful statis-
tics of masturbation in perfectly healthy persons. We must also remem-
ber that we have to distinguish between the post and the propter, and
that it is quite possible that neurasthenic persons are specially predis-
posed to masturbation.
On the Avhole. there can be little doubt that neurasthenia is liable
to be associated with masturbation, carried to an excessive extent. But,
while neurasthenia is probably the severest affection that is liable to
result from, or accompany, masturbation, we are scarcely yet entitled to
accept the conclusion of Gattel that in such cases there is no hereditary
neurotic predisposition. We must steer clearly between the opposite
errors of those, on the one hand, who assert that heredity is the sole
cause of functional nervous disorders, and those, on the other hand, who
consider that the incident that may call out the disorder is itself a sole
sufficient cause.
In many cases it has seemed to me that masturbation, when
188 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
practiced in excess before the age of pubert}', has led, more espe-
cially in Avomen, to an aversion for normal coitus in later life.
In such cases some peripheral irritation or abnormal mental
stimulus trains the physical sexual orgasm to respond to an ap-
peal which has nothing whatever to do with the fascination nor-
mally exerted by the opposite sex. At puberty, however, the
claim of passion and the real charm of sex begins to make itself
felt, but, owing to the physical sexual feelings having been
trained into a foreign channel, these new and more normal sex
associations remain of a purely ideal and emotional character,
without the strong sensual impulses by which under healthy con-
ditions they tend to be more and more associated as puberty
passes on into adolescence or mature adult life. I am fairly cer-
tain that in many women, often highly intellectual women, the
precocious excess in masturbation has been a main cause, not
necessarily the sole efficient cause, in producing a divorce in later
life between the physical sensuous impulses and the ideal emo-
tion. The sensuous impulse having been evolved and perverted
before the manifestation of the higher emotion, the two groups
of feelings have become divorced for the whole of life. This is
a common source of much personal misery and family unhappi-
ness, though at the same time the clash of contending impulses
may lead to a high development of moral character. When early
masturbation is a factor in producing sexual inversion it usually
operates in the manner I have here indicated, the repulsion for
normal coitus helping to furnish a soil on which tlie inverted im-
pulse may develop unimpeded.
This point has not wiiolly escaped previous obsorvers. ihoiioh thoy
do not seem to have noted its psychological mechanism. Tissot stated
that masturbation causes an aversion to maniage. More riM-ently,
T.oiman ("Ueber Onanismus beim \\'eibe." Tlicnipoitisichc Monat.shrftc,
April, 1890) considered that masturbation in women, leading to a per-
version of sexual feeling, including inability to find satisfaction in coitus,
affects the associated cenlrc^. Smith Baker, again ("The Neurophj'sical
Element in Conjugal Aversion."' ,J(mru(il of Nrrroii.9 and Mental Diftcafir,
September, 1S92), finds tliat a "source of marital aversion seems to lie
in the fact that substitution of mechanical and iniquitous (>\citation9
affords inore thorough sati'^fact ion 11i;ni tlu' mutual legitimate ones do,"
AUTO-EROTISM. 189
and gives cases in point. Savill, al^o, who regards masturbation as more
common in women than is usually supposed, regards dyspareunia, or
pain in coition, as one of the signs of tlie habit.
On the psychic side, no doubt, the most frequent and the
most characteristic result of persistent and excessive masturba-
tion is a morbid heightening of self -consciousness without any
co-ordinated heightening of self-esteem. The man or woman
who is kissed by a desirable and desired person of the opposite
sex feels a satisfying sense of pride and elation, which must al-
ways be absent from the manifestations of auto-erotic activity.
This must be so, even apart from the masturbator's consciousness
of the general social attitude toward his practices and his dread
of detection, for that may also exist as regards normal coitus
without any corresponding psychic effects. The masturbator,
if his practice is habitual, is thus compelled to cultivate an arti-
ficial consciousness of self-esteem, and may show a tendency to
mental arrogance. Self-righteousness and religiosity constitute,
as it were, a protection against the tendency to remorse. A mor-
bid mental soil is, of course, required for the full development
of these characteristics. The habitual male masturbator, it must
be remembered, is often a shy and solitary person; individuals
of this temperament are especially predisposed to excesses in all
the manifestations of auto-erotism, while the yielding to such
tendencies increases the reserve and the horror of society, at the
same time producing a certain suspicion of others. The habitual
female masturbator, on the other hand, is often abnormally de-
ficient in feminine shyness.^ This is not, of course, invariable.
Spitzka has noted a tendency to indecision, self-reproach, and
mental depression as common in women who have extensively
practiced masturbation before and aft-er marriage. In either case,
auto-erotic excesses of this kind appearing during adolescence in
young men and women of intelligence — whatever absence of gross
injury to health there may be — often produce a certain degree of
^ This is not. of course, invariable. Spitzka has noted a tendency to
indecision, self-reproach, and mental depression as common in women who
have extensively practiced masturbation before and after marriage.
lUO rSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
jDSYcliic perversion, and tend to foster false and high-strung ideals
of life. I have already quoted Anstie's remarks on the frequent
connection between masturbation and premature false work in
literature and art. It may be added that excess in masturbation
has often occurred in men and women whose work in literature
and art cannot be described as premature and false. K. P. Moritz,
in early adult life, gave himself up to excess in masturbation, and
up to the age of thirty had no relations with women. Rousseau,
in his ^'Confessions," admirably describes how his own solitary,
timid, and imaginative life found its chief sexual satisfaction in
masturbation.^ Grogol, the great Russian novelist, masturbated
to excess, and it has been suggested that the dreamy melancholy
thus induced was a factor in his success as a novelist. Goethe, it
has been asserted, at one time masturbated to excess; I am not
certain on what authority the statement is made, probably on a
passage in the seventh book of ^'Dichtung und Wahrheit,'' in
which, describing his student-life at Leipzig, and his loss of
Aennchen, owing to his neglect of her, he tells how he re-
venged that neglect on his own physical nature by foolish prac-
tices from which he thinks he suffered for a considerable period. -
That, at the present day, eminence in art and literature may 1)0
combined with the excessive practice of masturbation is a fact
of which I have unquestionable evidence. How far masturba-
tion, in moderately healthy persons living without normal sexual
relationships, may be considered normal is a dillicult (piestiou,
only to 1)0 decided with reference to individual oases. As a gen-
' "I loaint tliat danjierous sii])])leniont," Rousseau tolls us (Part 1,
lik. Ill), "'which doceivos Nature. This vice, which bash fulness and timid-
ity find so convenient, has. moreover, a <rre;it attraction for liv(>ly imapi-
nntions. for it enaV)les them to do what they will, so to speak, with tlie
whole fair sex, and to enjoy at ])leasure the beauty who attracts them
without having obtained lier consent."
- "Ich hiitte sie wirklich verloren. und die Tollheit. mit dcr ich
nieincn Fehlcr an mir sclbst riichte, indem ich auf mancherlci unsinnifjfe
Weise in meine physische Natur sturmte, um der sittlichen etwaa zu
T.eide zu thun. hat sehr viel zu den ktirperlichen Uebeln beiijfctrapen,
unter denen ich einipc der besten Jahre meines Lebens verlor; ja ich
wiirc \iclleicht an diescm Verlust vollij; zu (irunde pe<?an<Ten. hiitte sich
hier nicht das poeti^^clic Talent mil seinen lleilkraften besonders hiilf-
reich erwiescn."
AUTO-EROTISM. 191
eral rule, it may be laid down that when masturbation is only
practiced at rare intervals, and faute de mieu.v, in order to obtain
relief for physical oppression and mental obsession, it may be
regarded as the natural result of unnatural circumstances; but
that when, as often happens in mental degeneracy — and as in
shy and imaginative persons, perhaps of slightly neurotic tem-
perament, may also sometimes become the case — it is practiced
in preference to sexual relationships, it at once becomes abnormal
and may possibly lead to a variety of harmful results, mental and
physical.^
It must always be remembered, however, that, while the
practice of masturbation may be harmful in its consequences, it
is also, in the absence of normal sexual relationships, frequently
not without good results. In the medical literature of the cent-
ury a number of cases have been incidentally recorded in which
the patients found masturbation beneficial, and such cases might
certainly have been enormously increased if there had been any
open-eyed desire to discover them. My own conclusions are fully
in harmony with those of Professor Sudduth, who asserts that
"masturbation is, in the main, practiced for its sedative effect on
the nervous system. The relaxation that follows the act consti-
tutes its real attraction. . . . Both masturbation and sexual
intercourse should be classed as typical sedatives.'*-
^ A somewhat similar classification has already been made by Max
Dessoir, who points out that we must distinguisli between onanists aus
NotJi, and onanists aus LeidenscJiaft, the latter gi'oup alone being of
really serious importance. The classification of Dallemagne is also some-
what similar: he distinguishes onanie pa?' impulsion, occurring in mental
degeneration and in persons of inferior intelligence, from onanie par
evocation ou obsession.
- W. Xavier Sudduth. ''A Study in the Psycho-physics of Masturba-
tion." Chicago Medical Recorder. March, 1898. Haig. who reaches a
similar conclusion, has sought to find its precise mechanism in the blood-
pressure. "As the sexual act produces lower and falling blood-pressure."
he remarks, "it will of necessity relieve conditions which are due to
high and rising blood-pressure, such, for instance, as mental depression
and bad temper: and. unless my observation deceives me. we have here
a connection between conditions of high blood-pressure with mental and
bodily depression and acts of masturbation, for this act Mill relieve these
conditions and tend to be practiced for this purpose." ("Uric Acid."
fourth edition, p. 129.)
192 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
Gall mentioned a woman in the Salpetriere who often suffered
severe pain in the back of the neck, together with strong sexual desire,
which she satisfied by masturbation ten or twelve times a day; "this
caused no incommodity, and led to the immediate disappearance of the
pain." Clouston ("Mental Diseases," 1887, p. 496 j quotes as follows
from a letter written by a youth of 22: "I am sure I cannot explain
myself, nor give account of such conduct. Sometimes I felt so uneasy
at my work that I w ould go to the w.c. to do it, and it seemed to give
me ease, and then I would work like a hatter for a whole week till the
sensation overpowered me again. I have been the most filthy scoundrel
in existence," etc. Garnier presents the case of a monk, aged 33, living
a chaste life, who wrote the following account of his experiences: "For
the past three years at least I have felt, every two or three weeks, a
kind of fatigue in the penis, or rather sliglit shooting pains, increasing
during several days, and then I feel a strong desire to expel the semen.
When no nocturnal pollution follows, the retention of the semen causes
general disturbance, headache, and sleeplessness. I must confess that
occasionally, to free myself from the general and local oppression, I lie
on my stomach and obtain ejaculation. I am at once relieved; a weight
seems to be lifted from my chest, and sleep returns." This patient con-
sulted Gamier as to wlietlier tliis artificial relief was not more dangerous
than the sufferings it relieved. Garnier advised that if the ordinary
regime of a well-ordered monastery, together with anaphrQdisiac seda-
tives, proved inefficacious, the maneuver might be continued when neces-
sary (P. Garnier, "Celibat et Celibataires," 1887, p. 320). H. C. Coe
(American Jovrtial of Ohstctrics, p. 706, July, 1889) gives the case of a
married lady who was deeply sensitive of the wrong nature of masturba-
tion, but found in it the only means of relieving the severe ovarian pain,
associated with intense sexual excitement, which attended menstruation.
During the intermenstrual period the temptation was absent. Turnbull
knew a youth who found that masturbation gave great relief to feel-
ings of heaviness and confusion which came on him periodically: and
Wigglesworth has frequently seen masturbation after epileptic fits in
patients who never masturbated at otluM- times. Moll ("Libido Sexu-
alis," B. 1, p. 13) refers to a woman of 28, an artist of nervous and
excitable tempora7nent, wlio could not find sexual satisfaction with her
lover, but only when masturbating, which she did once or twice a day
or oftcner; without masturbation, she said, she would be in a much
more nervous state. A friend tells me of a married lady of 40, sepa-
rated from her liusband on account of incomi)atibility, who suffered from
irregular menstruation: she tried masturbation, and in her own words
"became normal again": she had never masturbated previously. I have
also been informed of the case of a young unmarried woman, intellectual,
athletic, and well developed, who from the age of seven or eight has
AUTO-EROTISM. 193
masturbated nearlj' every night before going to sleep, and would be
restless and unable to sleep if she did not.
Judging from m}' own observations among both sexes, I
should say that in normal persons, well past the age of puberty,
and otherwise leading a chaste life, masturbation would be little
practiced except for the physical and mental relief it brings.
Many vigorous and healthy unmarried women, living a life of
sexual abstinence, have asserted emphatically that only by sex-
ually exciting themselves, at intervals, could they escape from a
condition of nervous oppression and sexual obsession which they
felt to be a state of hysteria. In most cases this happens about
the menstrual period, and, whether accomplished as a purely
physical act or by the co-operation of the imaginative representa-
tion of a desired person, the practice is not cultivated for its own
sake during the rest of the month.
In illustration of the foregoing statements I will here record a few
typical observations of experiences with regard to masturbation. The
cases selected are all women, and are all in a fairly normal, and, for
the most part, excellent, state of health; some of them, however, belong
to somewhat neurotic families, and these are persons of unusual mental
ability and intelligence.
Observation I.
Unmarried, aged 38. She is very vigorous and healthy, of a
strongly passionate nature, but never masturbated until a few years
ago, when she was made love to by a man who used to kiss her. etc.
Although she did not respond to these advances, she was thrown into
a state of restless sexual excitement; on one occasion when in bed in
this restless state she accidentally found on passing her hand over her
body that by playing with "a round thing" [clitoris] a pleasurable
feeling was produced. She found herself greatly relieved and quieted
by these manipulations, though there remained a feeling of tiredness
after^^'ard. She has sometimes masturbated six times in a night, espe-
cially before and after the menstrual period, until she was unable to
produce the orgasm or any feeling of pleasure.
Observation II.
Unmarried, aged 45, of rather nervous temperament. She has for
many years been accustomed, usually about a week before the appear-
ance of the menses, to obtain sexual relief by kicking out her legs when
13
194 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
lying down. In this way, she says, she obtains complete satisfaction.
She never touches herself. On the follo\A'ing day she frequently has pains
over the lower part of the abdomen, such pains being apparently mus-
cular and due to the exertion.
Observation III.
Aged 29, recently married, belonging to a neurotic and morbid
family, herself healthy, and living usually in the country; vivacious,
passionate, enthusiastic, intellectual, and taking a prominent part in
philanthropic schemes and municipal affairs; at the same time fond of
society, and very attractive to men. For many years she had been accus-
tomed to excite herself, though she felt it was not good for her. The
habit was merely practiced faute de mienx. "I used to sit on the edge
of the bed sometimes,"' she said, "and it came over me so strongly tliat
1 simply couldn't resist it. I felt that I should go mad, and I thought it
was better to touch myself than be insane. ... I used to press my
clitoris in. ... It made me very tired afterward — not like being
with my husband." The confession was made from a conviction of the
importance of the subject and with the hope that some way might be
found out of the difliculties which so often be?et women.
Observation IV.
Unmarried, aged 27 : possesses much force of character and high
intelligence; is actively engaged in a professional career. As a child
of seven or eight she began to experience what she describes as lightning-
like sensations, "mere vague, uneasy feelings or momentary twitches
which took place alike in the vulva or the vagina or the uterus, not
amounting to an orgasm and nothing like it."' These sensations, it
should be added, have continued into adult life. "I always experience
them just before menstruation, and afterward for a few days, and occa-
sionally, though it seems to me not so often, during the period itself.
I may have the sensation tour or tive times during the day: it is not
dependent at all upon external impressions or my own thoughts, and is
sometimes absent for days together. It is just one flash, as if you would
snap your fingers, and it is over."
As a child she was, of course, quite unconscious that there was any-
tliinc sexual in these sensations. Thev were then usuallv associated
with various imaginary scenes. The one usually indulged in was that
a black bear was waiting for her up in a tree, and that she was slowly
raised up toward the bear by means of ro])es and then lowered again and
raised, feeling afraid of being caught by the bear, and yet having a
morbid desire to be caught. In after-years she realized tliat there was a
physical sexual cause underlying these imaginations, and that wliat sho
AUTO-EROTISM. 195
liked was a feeling of resistance to the bear giving rise to the physical
sensation.
At a someuliiit hiter ago. thoufjli wliile still a child, slie cherished
an ideal passion for a person very niucli oldPr than herself, this passion
absorbing her thoughts for a period of two years, during which, however,
there was no progress made in physical sensation. It was when she was
nearly thirteen years of age, soon after the appearance of menstruation,
and under the influence of this ideal passion, that she first learned to
experience the sexual orgasm, which was not associated with the thought
of any person. "I did not associate it with anything high or beautiful,
owing to the fact that I had imbibed our current ideas in regard to
sexual feelings, and viewed them in a very poor light indeed." She con-
siders that her sexual feelings were stronger at this period than at any
other time in her life. She could, however, often deny herself physical
satisfaction for weeks at a time in order that she might not feel unworthy
of the object of her ideal passion. "As for the sexual satisfaction," she
writes, "it was experimental. I had heard older girls speak of the
pleasure of such feelings, but I was not taught anything by example or
otherwise. I merely rubbed myself with the wash-rag while bathing,
Malting for a result, and having the same peculiar feelings I had so often
experienced. I am not aware of any ill effects having resulted, but I
felt degraded, and tried hard to overcome the habit. No one had spoken
to me of the habit, but from the secrecy of grown people, and passages
I liad heard from the Bible, I conceived the idea that it was a repre-
hensible practice. And, while this did not curb my desire, it taught me
self-control, and I vowed that each time should be the last. I was often
able to keep the resolution for two or thre.e weeks." Some four years
later she gradually succeeded in breaking herself of the practice in so
far as it had become a habit; she has, however, acquired a fuller
knoAvledge of sexual matters, and, though she has still a great dread of
masturbation as a vice, she does not hesitate to relieve her physical feel-
ings when it seems best to her to do so. "I am usually able to direct
my thoughts from these sensations," she writes; "but if they seem to
make me irritable or wakeful I relieve myself. It is a physical act un-
associated with deep feeling of any kind. I have always felt that it w^as
a rather unpleasant compromise with my physical nature, but certainly
necessary in my case. Yet I have abstained from gratification for very
long periods. If the feeling is not strong at the menstrual period I
go on very well without either the sensation or the gratification until
the next period. And, strange as it may seem, the best antidote I have
found and the best preventive is to think about spiritual things or
someone Avhom I love. It is simply a matter of training, I suppose, — a
sort of mental gymnastics. — which draws the attention away from the
physical feelings." This lady has never nad anj^ sexual relationships.
IDG ^ I'SYCHOLOGY 01 SEX.
and, since she is ambitious and believes that the sexual emotions may
be transformed so as to become a source of motive power throughout
the Avhole of life, she wishes to avoid such relationships.
Observatiox V.
Unmarried, aged 31, in good healtli, with, however, a somewhat
hysterical excess of energy, with an accompanying horror of sexual re-
lationships. ''When 1 was about 20 years of age,"' she writes, "a friend
came to me with the confession that for several years she had mastur-
bated, and had become such a slave to the habit that she severely suf-
fered from its ill effects. At that time I had never heard of self-abuse
by women. I listened to her story with much sympathy and interest,
but some skepticism, and determined to try experiments upon myself
with the idea of getting to understand the matter in order to assist my
friend. After some manipulation I succeeded in awakening what had
before been unconscious and unknown. I purposely allowed the habit
to grow upon me, and one night — for I always operated u]ion myself
before going to sleep, never in the morning — I obtained considerable
pleasurable satisfaction, but the following day my conscience awoke; I
also felt pain located at the back of my head, and down the spinal
column. I ceased my operations for a time, and then began again some-
what regularlv. once a month a few days after menstruation. Durins:
those months in which I exercised moderation I think 1 obtained much
local relief with comparatively little injury, but later on, finding myself
in robust health, I increased my experiments, the habit grew upon me,
and it was only with an almost superhuman effort that I broke myself
free. Xeedless to say that I gave no assistance to my suffering friciid.
nor did I ever refer to the subject after her confession to me.
''Some two years later I heard of sexual jiractices between women
as a frequent habit in certain quarters. T again interested myself in
masturbation, for I had been told something that led me to believe that
there was muoli more for me to discover. Not knowing the most
elementary physiology. I questioned some of my friends, and then com-
menced again. I restricted myself to relief from local congestion and
irritation by calling fortli the emission of mucus rather than by seeking
pleasure. At the same time I sought to discover what manipulation of
the clitoris would lead to. The habit grew upon me with startling
rapidity, and I became more or less its slave, but T suflered from no very
great ill effects until I started in search of more discoveries. I found
that T was a complete ignoramus as to the formation of a woman's body,
and by experiments upon myself sought to discover tlie vagina. I con-
tinued my operations until I obtained an entrance. T think the rough
handling of myself during this final stage disturbed my nervous -system.
and caused me considerable pain and exhaustion at the back of my
AUTO-KHOTISM. 197
head, the spinal column, the back of my eyes, and a general feeling of
languor, etc.
"I could not bear to be the slave of a habit, and after much suffer-
ing and efl'orts, which only led to falls to lower depths of conscious
failure, my better self rebelled, until by a great efTort and much prayer
I kept myself pure for a Avhole week. This partial recoverj^ gave me
hope, but then I again fell a victim to the habit, much to my chagrin,
and became hopeless of ever retracing my steps toward my ideal of
virtue. For some days I lost energy, spirit, and hope; my nervous sys-
tem appeared to be ruined, but I did not really despair of victory in
the end. I thought of all the drunkards chained by their intemperate
habits, of inveterate smokers who could not exist without tobacco, and
of all the various methods by which men were slaves, and the longing to
be freed of what had, in my case, proved to be a painful and unnecessary-
habit increased daily until, after one night when I struggled with my-
self for hours, I believed I had finally succeeded.
"At times when I reached a high degree of sexual excitement I
felt that I was at least one step removed from those of morbid and
repressed sex, who had not the slightest suspicion of the latent joys of
womanhood within them. For a little while the habit took the shape
of an exalted passion, but I rapidly tired it out by roughs thoughtless,
and too impatient handling. Revulsion set in with the pain of an ex-
hausted and badly used nervous system, and finding myself the slave
of a passion I determined to endeavor to be its master.
"In conclusion. I should say that masturbation has proved itself
to be to me one of the blind turnings of mv life's historv from which
I have gained much valuable experience."
The practice was, however, by no means thus dismissed. Some
time later the subject writes: "I have again restarted masturbation for
the relief of localized feelings. One morning I was engaged reading a
very heavy volume which, for convenience sake, I held in my lap,
leaning back on my chair. I had become deep in my study for an liour
or so when I became aware of certain feelings roused by the weight of
the book. Being tempted to see what would happen by such conduct, I
shifted so that the edge of the volume came in closer contact. The
pleasurable feelings increased, so I gave myself up to my emotions for
some thirty minutes.
"Xotwithstanding the intense pleasure I enjoyed for so long a period,
I maintain that it is wiser to refrain, and, although I admit in the same
breath that by gentle treatment such pleasure may be harmless to the
general health, it does lead to a desire for solitude which is not con-
ducive to a happy frame of mind. There is an accompanying reticence
of speech concerning the pleasure, which therefore appears to be un-
natural, like the eating of stolen fruit. After such an event one seems
198 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
to require to fly to the woods and to listen to the song of the birds so
as to shake off after-effects."'
In a letter dated some months later she writes: "I think I have
risen above the masturbation habit." It is premature to say whether
this belief is justified. In the same letter the writer remarks: "If I had
consciously abnormal or unsatisfied appetites I would satisfy them in
tlie easiest and least harmful way."
I am indebted to a correspondent, who has himself made valuable
contributions to our knowledge of the phenomena of sex, for the follow-
ing remarks: "I have known cases of masturbation among virgins, wuves,
and women living apart from their husbands or separated from lovers.
Miss A., who has frankly responded to my request for information, and
furnished me with several facts, is a very intellectual woman, a close
observer, and a confident of her sex. She confesses that the habit de-
veloped in her own ease spontaneously about the period of puberty.
Many women have spoken to her upon masturbation, and she believes
tliat the habit is more common among adults of her sex than people
usually suppose. A married acquaintance of Miss A. told her that she
suffered from the deprivation of intercourse during the absence of her
husband, and that a friend, another wife, suggested masturbation with
an oiled banana, stating that she employed that means when her hus-
band was away from home for any length of time; she knew several
women, married and single, who used the same method of satisfaction.
JNliss A. states that many Momen prefer digital masturbation, performed
upon them by the husband, to the normal method of excitation."
There is some interest in briefly reviewing the remarkable
transformations in tlie attitude toward masturbation from Greek
times down to our own day. The Greeks, as also the Romans,
treated masturbation with little or no opprobrium. They con-
templated it with almost absolute indifference, sometimes even
with approval, for Plutarch tells us that Diogenes — described by
Zcller, th<j historian of Greek philosophy, as ''the most tyjiical
figure of ancient Greece" — was praised by Chrysippus, the famous
philosopher, for masturbating in the market-place. Areta^us,
without alluding to masturbation, dwells on the tonic effects of
retaining the semen; but, on the other hand, Galen regarded
tlie retention of semen as injurious, and advocated its fre-
quent expulsion, a ])()iut of view which tended to justify mas-
turbation. In classical days, doubtless, mast url)al ion and all
other forms of the auto-cM'otic impulse were comparatively rare.
AUTO-EROTISM. l'J9
So much scope was allowed in early adult age for homosexual and
later for heterosexual relationships that any excessive or morbid
development of solitary self-indulgence could seldom occur.
Hence, probably, the serene indifference with which the ancients
generally viewed masturbation. The case was altered when Chris-
tian ideals became prominent. Christian morality strongly pro-
scribed sexual relationships except under certain specified con-
ditions. It is true that Christianity discouraged all sexual mani-
festations, and that therefore its ban fell equally on masturbation,
but obviously masturbation lay at the weakest line of defence
against the assaults of the flesh; it was there that resistance
would most readily yield. Christianity thus probably led to a
considerable increase of masturbation. The attention which the
theologians devoted to its manifestations clearly bears witness to
their magnitude. It is noteworthy that Mohammedan theologians
regarded masturbation as a Christian vice. In Islam both doc-
trine and practice tended to encourage sexual relationships, and
not much attention was paid to masturbation, nor even any
severe reprobation directed against it. Omer Haleby remarks
that certain theologians of Islam are inclined to consider the
practice of masturbation in vogue among Christians as allowable
to devout Mussulmans w^hen alone on a journey; he himself re-
gards this as a practice good neither for soul nor body (seminal
emissions during sleep providing all necessary relief); should,
however, a Mussulman fall into this error, God is merciful!^
In Migne's "Dictionnaire de Theologie Morale," article on "Pollu-
tion," which appears to be founded chiefly on Mgr. Gousset, we are told,
quoting from Gousset, that ''polhitio seu mollities est voluntaria semi-
nis humani effiisio extra congressum cum alio." He adds that, to be a
sin, it must be voluntary. If it occurs sleeping (or waking when not
directly or indirectly voluntary) it cannot be sin. According to St,
Alphonse de Ligouri, it is a graver sin than fornication, for it may
involve sacrilege and adultery or sodomy. Even distillatio, if volun-
tary and with a notable commotion of the sexual impulses, is without
doubt a mortal sin, "quia notahiUs commotio carnalis est pollutio
inchoata." If, however, distillatio takes place without commotion or
1 "El Ktab," Traduction de Paul de Regla, Paris, 1893.
20{) PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
pleasure, it is no sin, and, in the opinion of Sanchez and others, may
be regarded simply as we regard sweat. It appears, indeed, that some
authorities (like Holzmann, Sporer, and Elbel) consider that it may be
permitted even when there is slight commotion of the flesh, but it must
never be voluntarily procured. Distillatio, it may be added, is defined
by Sanchez as ''humor quidam medUis inter urinam et semen, qui ex
membro pudcndo procedii ct qui scmini est similis m colore et in-
fectione carnisque commotione qua' aliquando ipsum comitatur; disimi-
lis autem eo quod nan sit ita mordax ac prossus faciliusque fluat nee
cum tanta carnis commotione et in minori copia, aliquando impercepti-
hilitcr et sine carnis motu." It is thus evident that the old theologians
clearly knew the difference between the secretion of the urethral glands
under the influence of voluptuous excitement and the flow of semen, a
distinction that is not understood even to-day by many nervous persons.
Under certain circumstances the Catholic theologians have per-
mitted a married woman to masturbate. Thus, the Jesuit theologian,
Gury,^ asserts that the wife does not sin "quw se ipsam tactibus excitat
ad seminationem statim post copulam in qua vir solus seminavity
This teaching seems to have been misunderstood, since ethical and even
medical writers have expended a certain amount of moral indignation
on the Church whose theologians committed themselves to this state-
ment. As a matter of fact, this qualified permission to masturbate
merely rests on a false theory of procreation, which is clearly expressed
in the word seminatio. It was believed that ejaculation in the woman
is as necessary to fecundation as ejaculation in the man. As sexual
intercourse A\ithout fecundation ^s not approved by the Catholic church,
it thus became logically necessary to permit women to masturbate when-
ever the ejaculation of mucus had not occurred at or before coitus.
The belief that the emission of vagina] mucus under the influence
of sexual excitement in women corresponded to spermatic emission has
led to the practice of masturbation on hygienic grounds. Carnier
("Celibat," p. 255) mentions that Mesne, in the eighteenth century,
invented a special pessary to take the place of the penis, and, as he
stated, effect the due expulsion of tlic feminine sperm.
Protestantism, no doubt, in the main accepted the general
Catholic tradition, but the tendency of Protestantism, in reaction
against the minute inquisition of the earlier theologians, has
always been to exercise a certain degree of what it regarded as
wholesome indifTcrence toward the less obvious manifestations of
the flesh. Tims in Pi'otcstnnt countries mastnr])ation seems to
' "Comjiend. Theolog. mor.,"' volume ii, }). 417
AUTO-EROTISM. 201
have been almost ignored until Tissot, combining with his repu-
tation as a physician the fanaticism of a devout believer, raised
masturbation to the position of a colossal bogy which during a
hundred years has not only had an unfortunate influence on
medical opinion in these matters, but has been productive of
incalculable harm to ignorant youth and tender consciences.
During the past thirty years the efforts of many distinguished
physicians — a few of whose opinions I have already quoted — have
gradually dragged the bogy down from its pedestal, and now, as
I have ventured to suggest, there is a tendency for the reaction
to be excessive. There is even a tendency to-day to regard mas-
turbation, with various qualifications, as normal. Tillier, for in-
stance, remarks that since masturbation appears to be universal
among the higher animals we are not entitled to regard it a- a
vice; it has only been so considered because studied exclusively
by physicians under abnormal conditions.^ Venturi, a well-
known Italian alienist, regards masturbation as strictly physio-
logical in youth; it is the normal and natural passage toward the
generous and healthy passion of early manhood; it only becomes
abnormal and vicious, he holds, when continued into adult life.
The appearance of masturbation of puberty, Venturi considers, "is
a moment in the course of the development of the function of that organ
which is the necessary instrument of sexuality." We find the first true
manifestations of love appearing together with onanism, which is usually
continued in a physiological way. though modified, into youth, and
often through a great part of youth, according as this is precocious or
retarded. Onanism in early adolescence begins Avith being a pleasurable
act, having rudimentary roots in childhood, and finds its motive, not in
distinct erotic images, but in the satisfaction of an organic need, un-
known and undetermined, certainly of sexual character, but at this
stage of consciousness simply seeming to be a source of physical pleasure
having much analogy with that which arises from the tickling of a
very sensitive cutaneous surface. In this onanism of early adolescence
lies the germ of what will later be love: a pleasure of the body and
of the spirit following the relief of a satisfied need." "As the youth
develops, onanism becomes a sexual act comparable to coitus as a dream
is comparable to reality, imagery forming in correspondence with the de-
^ Tillier. "L'Tnstinct Sexuel," Paris, 1889, p. 270.
20"2 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
sires. In its fully developed form in adolescence.'" Venturi continues,
"masturbation has an almost hallucinatory character; onanism at this
period psychically approximates to the true sexual act and passes in-
sensibly into it. If. however, continued on into adult age, it becomes
morbid, passing into erotic fetichism ; what in the inexperienced youth
is the natural auxiliary and stimulus to imagination, in the degenerate
onanist of adult age is a sign of arrested development. Thus onanism."
the author concludes, "is not always a vice such as is fiercely combated
by educators and moralists. It is the natural transition by which Me
reach the warm and generous love of youth, and in natural succession
to this the tranquil, positive, matrimonial love of the mature man."
(Silvio Venturi, "Le Degenerazioni Psico-sessuale," 1892. pp. 6-9.)
It may be questioned whether this view is acceptable even for the
warm climate of the south of Europe, where the impulses of sexuality
are undoubtedly precocious. It is certainly not in harmony with gen-
eral experience and opinion in the north: this is well expressed in the
following passage by a recent writer (E. Carpenter, International Jour-
nal of Ethics, Juh', 1899) : "After all. purity (in the sense of conti-
nence) is of the first importance to boyhood. To prolong the period
of continence in a boy's life is to prolong the period of growth. This is
a simple physiological law, and a very obvious one: and. whatever other
things may be said in favor of purity, it remains, perhaps, the most
weighty. To introduce sensual and sexual habits — and one of the worst
of them is self-abuse — at an early age is to arrest growth, both physical
and mental. And what is even more, it means to arrest the capacity
for affection. All experience shows that the early outlet toward sex
cheapens and weakens aflfectional capacity."
I do not consider that we can decide the precise degree in
which masturbation may fairly be called normal so long as we
take masturbation by itself. We are thus, in conclusion, brought
back to the point which I sought to emphasize at the outset:
masturbation belongs to a group of auto-erotic phenomena.
From one point of view it may be said that all auto-erotic phe-
nomena are unnatural, since the natural aim of the sexual im-
pulse is sexual conjunction, and all exercise of that impulse out-
side such conjunction is away from the end of Xature. But we
do not live in a state of Xature which answers to such demands;
all our life is "unnatural." And as soon as we begin to restrain
the free play of sexual impulse toward sexual ends, at once auto-
erotic phenomena inevitably spring up on every side. There is
no end to them; it is impos.«ible to say what finest elements in
AUTO-EROTISM. 203
art, in morals, in civilization generally, may not really be rooted
in an auto-erotic impulse. Auto-erotic phenomena are inevitable.
Our first duty is to investigate the nature and results of the mani-
festations among all classes of people. It is as a preliminary con-
tribution to that inquiry that I present this "Study. "^ In the
meanwhile it is our wisest course to recognize the inevitableness
of such manifestations under the perpetual restraints of civilized
life, and, while avoiding any attitude of excessive indulgence or
indifference,- to avoid also any attitude of excessive horror, for
our horror not only leads to the facts being effectually veiled
from our sight, but itself serves to manufacture artificially a
greater evil than that which we seek to combat.
The sexual impulse is not, as some have imagined, the sole
root of the most massive human emotions, the most brilliant
human aptitudes, — of sympathy, of art, of religion. In the com-
plex human organism, where all the parts are so many-fibred and
so closely interwoven, no great manifestation can be reduced to
one single source. But it largely enters into and molds all of
these emotions and aptitudes, and that, by virtue of its two most
peculiar characteristics, it is, in the first place, the deepest and
most volcanic of human impulses, and, in the second place, — un-
like the only other human impulse with which it can be com-
pared, the nutritive impulse, — it can, to_ a large extent, be trans-
muted into a new force capable of the strangest and most various
uses. So that in the presence of all these manifestations we may
assert that in a real sense, though subtly mingled with very
diverse elements, auto-erotism everywhere plays its part. In the
phenomena of auto-erotism, when we take a broad view of those
phenomena, we are concerned, not with a form of insanity, not
^ With the question as to the best practical methods of obtaining
completely satisfactory data regarding the prevalence of auto-erotic phe-
nomena among the population generally, I do not here purpose to deal.
A large and comprehensive scheme, as regards masturbation, has already
been proposed by Hermann Colin, but I do not know that any results
have yet been attained by it.
- In the course of a recent and valuable work on the sexual in-
stinct Fere states that my conclusion is that masturbation is normal
and that "Vindulgence sHmpo^e" ("L'lnstinct Sexuel"). I had. however,
already guarded myself against this misinterpretation.
204 PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.
necessarily with a form of depravity, but with the inevitable by-
products of that mighty process on which the animal creation
rests.
APPEXDIXES.
APPENDIX A.
THE INFLUEXCE OF MENSTRUATIOX OX THE
POSITIOX OF WOMEX.
A QUESTION of historical psychology which, so far as I
know, has never been fully investigated is the influence of men-
struation in constituting the emotional atmosphere through
which men habitually view women. I do not purpose to deal fully
with this question, because it is one which may be more properly
dealt ^nth at length by the student of culture and by the his-
torian, rather than from the stand-point of empirical psychology.
But we here strike on a factor of such importance, such neglected
importance, for the proper understanding of the sexual relations
of men and women, that it cannot be wholly ignored.
It is the more necessary to consider briefly the influence of
menstruation on the development of men^s emotional attitude
toward women, since many of the current and even scientific views
of the matter are almost certainly erroneous. For instance, it
is commonly stated or implied that, in the primitive and popular
feeling, menstruation stands as the symbol of a fundamental
weakness, impurity, and inferiority of women. That was cer-
tainly the view of many medieval monks, and it has been seriously
maintained in recent years as a complete account of the matter.
Thus, Crawley, in a somewhat elaborate study of this and allied
questions, argues that ^'man predicates of woman both weakness
and social inferiority.'' This attribution of inferiority to the fe-
male sex he takes to be a universal subjective conception probably
due to the superior strength and staj;ure of men. The main factor
(205)
20G APPENDIX A.
in the constitution of the prohibitions and restrictions surround-
ing women, according to this author, is the belief that feminine
properties, especially weakness, timidity, and inferiority, are
transmitted by contact/ Crawley supports these views by copious
facts, taken from travelers and anthropologists, concerning the
attitude of savages. It may certainly be said that he proves con-
clusively that such ideas do actually form one widely prevalent
element in the primitive attitude of men toward women. But
it is not difficult to see that this explanation is far from account-
ing for the whole of the facts.
Among the negroes of Surinam a woman must live in soli-
tude during the time of her period; it is dangerous for any man
or woman to approach her, and when she sees a person coming
near she cries out anxiously: '^Mi l'ay\ Mi IcayV' — I am unclean!
I am unclean I Throughout the world we find traces of the cus-
tom of which this is a typical example, and it is common to regard
this custom as evidence of the degraded position occupied by
primitive women. A serious fallacy underlies this belief, as may
be clearly seen when we take a broad view, not only of the beliefs
of primitive man regarding menstruation, but of his general be-
liefs regarding the supernatural forces of the world.
There is no fragment of folk-lore so familiar to the European
world as that which connects woman with the serpent. It is,
indeed, one of the foundation-stones of Christian theology.- Yet
there is no fragment of folk-lore which remains more obscure.
How has it happened that in all parts of the world the snake or
his congeners, the lizard and the crocodile, have b^en credited
with some design, sinister or erotic, on Avomen?
Of the wide provalcnce of the boliof there can be no doubt.
' A. E. Craw lov, "Sexual Taboo," Journal of the Anthropoloprical
Institute. 1894-05.
- Robertson Siiiitli points out that since snakes are the hist noxious
animals which man is able to exterminate they are the last to be asso-
ciated with (lemons. Tlicv were ultimately the only animals directly
and constantly associated with tlie Arabian jhm, or demon, and the
serpent of Eden was «a demon, and not a tem])orary dispfuise of Satan
("l'elijri(ni of Semites." ]ip. 120 and 112). Perhaps it was in ])art because
the snake was thus the last embodiment of demonic j)Ower that women
were associated with it, women bein<r always connected with the most
ancient reliirious beliefs. •
MENSTRUATION AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 207
Among the Port Lincoln tribe of Sonth Australia a lizard is said
to have divided man from woman. ^ Among the Chirigiianos of
Bolivia, on the appearance of menstruation, old women ran about
with sticks to hunt the snake that had wounded the girl. Frazer,
who quotes this example from the "Lettres edifiantes et cwieuses,"
also refers to a modern Greek folk-tale, according to which
a princess at puberty must not let the sun shine upon her, or she
would be turned into a lizard.- In some parts of Brazil at the
onset of puberty a girl must not go into the woods for fear of
the amorous attacks of snakes, and so it is also among the Macusi
Indians of British Guiana, according to Schomburgk. Among
the Basutos of South Africa the young girls must dance around
the clay image of a snake. In Polynesian mythology the lizard
is a very sacred animal, and legends represent women as often
giving birth to lizards.^ In the Berlin Museum fiir Volker-
kunde there is a carved wooden figure from New Guinea of a
woman into whose vulva a crocodile is inserting his snout, while
the same museum contains another figure of a snake-like croco-
dile crawling out of a woman's vulva, and a third figure shows
a small round snake with a small head, and closely resem-
bling a penis, at the mouth of the vagina. All these figures are
reproduced by Ploss and Bartels. Even in modern Europe the
same ideas prevail. In Portugal, according to Reys, it is believed
that during menstruation women are liable to be bitten by lizards,
and to guard against this risk they wear drawers during the
period. In Germany, again, it was believed, up to the eighteenth
century at least, that the hair of a menstruating woman, if buried,
would turn into a snake. It may be added that in various parts
of the world virgin priestesses are dedicated to a snake-god and
are married to the god."* At Eome. it i? interesting to note, the
^ In the northern territory of the same colony menstruation is said
to be due to a bandicoot scratching the vagina and causing blood to flow
(Journal of the Anthropological Institute, p. 177. November, 1894).
-Frazer. "Golden Bough." vol. ii. p. 231.
^ Meyners d'Estrez. "Etude ethnographique sur le lezard chez les
peuples malais et polynesiens," L'Anthropologie. 1892; see also, as re-
gards the lizard in Samoan folk-lore, Globus, vol. Ixxiv, No. 16.
* Boudin ("Etude Anthropologique: Culte du Serpent." Paris, 1864,
pp. 66-70) brings forward examples of this aspect of snake- worship.
208 APPENDIX A.
serpent was the symbol of fecundation, and as such often figures
at Pompeii as the genius patrisfamilias, the generative power of
the family.^ In Rabbinical tradition, also, the serpent is the
symbol of sexual desire.
There can be no doubt that — as Ploss and Bartels, from
whom some of these examples have been taken, point out — in
widely different parts of the world menstruation is belieyed to
have been originally caused by a snake, and that this conception
is frequently associated with an erotic and mystic idea. How
the connection arose Ploss and Bartels are unable to say. It can
only be suggested that the shape and appearance of the snake,-
as well as its yenomous nature, may have contributed to the mys-
tery everywhere associated with the snake — a mystery itself forti-
fied by the association with women — to build up this world-wide
belief regarding the origin of menstruation.
This primitive theory of the origin of menstruation prob-
ably brings before us in its earliest shape the special and intimate
bond which has ever been held to connect women, by virtue of
the menstrual process, with the natural or supernatural powers
of the world. Everywhere menstruating women arc supposed to
be possessed by spirits and charged with mysterious forces. It
is at this point that a serious misconception, due to ignorance
of primitive religious ideas, has constantly intruded. It is stated
that the menstruating woman is ^'unclean" and possessed by an
evil spirit. As a matter of fact, however, the savage rarely dis-
criminates between bad and good spirits. Every spirit may have
either a beneficial or malignant influence. An interesting in-
stance of this is given in Colenso's "^laori Lexicon." The Maoris
call their gods Atiias, and Atua is consequently the word used
by the missionaries to designate the Christian God. But the
meaning of the word seems to be primarily something exceed-
ingly great and terrible, and the Maori gods and demons, though
worshiped, were also often bated and even tliroatened. ])y their
^ Attilio de Marclii. "11 Cullo piiviilo di Konia." p. 74.
^ It is notowortliy that ono of tlio names for the penis used by tho
Swaliili woTiicn of (IcrTnnn East Africa, in a kind of privnio laniruafro of
Ihcir own, is "tlic snako" (Zaclio, Zcitscluift fiir Ellinoloiric p. IW, 1S09).
MENSTRUATION AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 209
worshipers. Personified disease, pain, and death were ail aluas,
as also were all foods that must be avoided, everything mon-
strous, uncanny, or unlucky; and, as another authority on the
Maoris (Tregear) tells us, the menstrual cloths of the women were
very dangerous and unlucky. Thus, a woman must not be re-
garded as reduced by the process of menstruation to a state of
degradation and impurity, as an instrument in the hands of evil
powers, but merely as lifted into the region which is inhabited
by all the supernatural powers of the world.
The importance of recognizing the special sense in which the
word "unclean" is used in this connection was clearly pointed out
by Eobertson Smith in the case of the Semites. "The Hebrew
word tame (unclean)," he remarked, "is not the ordinary word
for things physically foul; it is a ritual term, and corresponds
exactly to the idea of tahoo. The ideas ^unclean' and ^holy' seem
to us to stand in polar opposition to one another, but it was not
so with the Semites. Among the later Jews the Holy Books
^defiled the hands' of the reader as contact with an impure thing
did; among Lucian's Syrians the dove was so holy that he who
touched it was unclean for a day; and the taboo attaching to the
swine was explained by some, and beyond question correctly ex-
plained, in the same way. x^mong the heathen Semites, there-
fore, unclean animals, which it was pollution to eat, were simply
holy animals."^ Robertson Smith here made no reference to men-
struation, but he exactly described the primitive attitude toward
menstruation. Wellhausen, however, dealing with the early
Arabians, expressly mentions that in pre-Islamic days, "clean"
and "unclean" were used solely with reference to women in and
out of the menstrual state. At a later date Frazer- developed this
aspect of the conception of taboo, and showed how it occurs
among savage races generally. He pointed out that the concep-
' W. R, Smith. "Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia," 1885, p.
307. The point is elaborated in the same author's "Religion of Semites,"
second edition, appendix on "Holiness. Uncleannoss. and Taboo," pp. 446-
54. See also Wellhausen, "Reste Arabischen Heidentums," second edi-
tion, pp. 167-77. Even to the early Arabians, Wellhausen remarks (p.
168), "clean" meant "profane and allowed," while "unclean" meant
"sacred and forbidden." It Avas the same, as Jastrow remarks ("Religion
of Babylonia," p. 662), among the Babylonian Semites.
14
21{) APPENDIX A.
tions of holiness and pollution not having yet been differentiated,
women at childbirth and during menstruation are on the same
level as divine kings, chiefs, and priests, and must observe the
same rules of ceremonial purity. To seclude such persons from
the rest of the world, so that the dreaded spiritual danger shall
not reach them nor spread from them, is the object of the taboo,
which Frazer compares to '^an electrical insulator to preserve the
spiritual force with which these persons are charged from suffer-
ing or inflicting harm by contact with the outer world/' After
describing the phenomena (especially the prohibition to touch
the ground or see the sun) found among various races, Frazer
concludes: "The object of secluding women at menstruation is
to neutralize the dangerous influences which are supposed to
emanate from them at such times. The general eft'ect of these
rules is to keep the girl suspended, so to say, between heaven and
earth. Whether enveloped in her hammock and slung up to the
roof, as in South America, or elevated above the ground in a
dark and narrow cage, as in New Zealand, she may be considered
to be out of the way of doing mischief, since, being shut off both
from the earth and from the sun, she can poison neither of these
great sources of life by her deadly contagion. The precautions
thus taken to isolate or insulate the girl are dictated by regard
for her own safety as well as for the safety of others. . . .
In short, the girl is viewed as charged with a powerful force which,
if not kept within bounds, may prove the destruction both of
the girl herself and of all with whom she comes in contact. To
repress this force within the limits necessary for the safety of
all concerned is the object of the taboos in question. The same
explanation applies to the observance of the same rules by divine
kings and priests. The unclcanlincss, as it is called, of girls at
puberty and the sanctity of holy men do not, to the primitive
mind, difl'er from each other. They are only different mani-
festations of the same supernatural ejiergy, which, like energy
in general, is in itself neither good nor bad, but becomes benef-
icent or malignant according to its application."^
•J. r;. Frazer, "The Golden Bough," Chapter IV.
MENSTRUATION AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 211
More recently this view of the matter has been further ex-
tended by a French sociologist, Durkheim. Investigating the
origins of the prohibition of incest (which Westermarck and
others have been content to regard as an "instinct"), and arguing
that it proceeds from the custom of exogamy (or marriage out-
side the clan), and that this rests on certain ideas about blood,
which, again, are traceable to totemism, — a theory which we need
not here discuss, — Durkheim is brought face to face with the
group of conceptions that now concern us. He insists on the
extreme ambiguity found in primitive culture concerning the
notion of the divine, and the close connection between aversion
and veneration, and points out that it is not only at puberty and
each recurrence of the menstrual epoch that women have aroused
these emotions, but also at childbirth. "A sentiment of religious
horror," he continues, "which can reach such a degree of in-
tensity, which can be called forth by so many circumstances, and
reappears regularly every month to last for a week at least, can-
not fail to extend its influence beyond the periods to which it
was originally confined, and to affect the whole course of life.
A being who must be secluded or avoided for weeks, months, or
years preserves something of the characteristics to which the
isolation was due, even outside those special periods, i^nd, in
fact, in these communities, the separation of the sexes is not
merely intermittent; it has become chronic. The two elements
of the population live separately." Durkheim proceeds to show
that the origin of the occult powers attributed to the feminine
organism is to be found in primitive ideas concerning blood. It
is not only menstrual blood; any kind of blood is the object of
similar feelings among savage and barbarous peoples. All sorts
of precautions must be observed with regard to blood; in it re-
sides a divine principle, or, as Romans, Jews, and Arabs believed,
life itself. The prohibition to drink wine, the blood of the grape,
found among some peoples, is traced to its resemblance to blood,
and to its sacrificial employment (as among the ancient Arabians
and still in the Christian sacrament) as a substitute for drinking
blood. Throughout, blood is generally taboo, and it taboos every-
thing that comes in contact with it. Now woman is chronically
212 APPENDIX A.
"the theatre of bloody manifestations," and therefore she tends
to become chronically taboo for the other members of the com-
munity. ^'A more or less conscious anxietv, a certain relicrious
fear, cannot fail to enter into all the relations of her companions
with her, and that is why all such relations are reduced to a mini-
mum. Relations of a sexual character are specially excluded. In
the first place, such relations are so intimate that they are incom-
patible with the sort of repulsion which the sexes must experi-
ence for each other; the barrier between them does not permit
of such a close union. In the second place, the organs of the
body here specially concerned are precisely the source of the
dreaded manifestations. Thus it is natural that the feelings of
aversion inspired by women attain their greatest intensity at this
point. Thus it is, also, that of all parts of the feminine organ-
ization it is this region which is most severely shut out from
commerce." So that, while the primitive emotion is mainly one
of veneration, and is allied to that experienced for kings and
priests, there is an element of fear in such veneration, and what
men fear is to some extent odious to them.^
The justice of this view is evident when we review the whole
group of influences which the menstruating woman is supposed
to exert. She by no means acts only by paralyzing social activi-
ties and destroying the powers of life, by causing flowers to fade,
fruit to fall from the trees, grains to lose their germinative power,
and grafts to die. She is not accurately summed up in the old
lines: —
**0h! menstruating woman, thou'it a fiend
From whom all nature should be closely screened. '"
Her powers are also beneficial. A woman at this time, as
^■Elian expressed it, is in regular communication with the starry
bodies. Even at other times a woman when led naked around
the orchard protected it from caterpillars, said Pliny, and this
belief is acted upon (according to Bastanzi) even in the Italy of
to-dav. A uarment stained with a viririn's menstrual blood, it
' E. Durkheim. 'l.a Prohibition de rince>te ot =e< Orijrines."
L'Annee Sooiolocrique. Premiere Ann<?e. 1S9S. esp. pp. 44. 4fi-47. 4S. ."SO-.^T.
MENSTRUATION AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 213
is said in Bavaria, is a certain safeguard against cuts and stabs.
It will also extinguish fire. It was valuable as a love-philter;
as a medicine its uses have been endless.^ A sect of Valentinians
even attributed sacramental virtues to menstrual blood, and par-
took of it as the blood of Christ.^
In our own time the slow disintegration of primitive ani-
mistic conceptions, aided certainly by the degraded conception
of sexual phenomena taught by medieval monks — for whom
woman was "templum cedificatum super cloacam^' — has led to a
disbelief in the more salutary influences of the menstruating
woman. A fairly wide-spread faith in her pernicious influence
alone survives. It may be traced even in practical and com-
mercial— one might add, medical — quarters. In the great sugar-
refineries in the North of France the regulations strictly forbid
a woman to enter the factory while the sugar is boiling or cool-
ing, the reason given being that, if a woman were to enter during
her period, the sugar would blacken. For the same reason — to
turn to the East — no woman is employed in the opium manu-
factory at Saigon, it being said that the opium would turn and
become bitter, while Annamite women say that it is very difficult
for them to prepare opium-pipes during the catamenial neriod.*^
' See Bourke. "Seatalogie Rites of all Nations," 1891. pp. 217-219,
250 and 254; Floss and Max Bavtels, "Das Weib," vol. i; H. L. Strack,
"Dor Blutaberfijlaube in dor Menschlieit," fourth edition, 1892, pp. 14-18.
The last mentioned refers to the efficacy frequently attributed to men-
strual blood in the middle ages in curing leprosy, and gives instances,
occurring even in Germany to-day, of girls who have administered drops
of menstrual blood in coffee to their sweethearts to make sure of retain-
ing their affections.
■' Pliny, Avho in Book VII, Chapter XIII, and Book XXVIII, Chap-
ter XXIII, of his "Natural History," gives long lists of the various good
and evil influences attributed to menstruation, writes in the. latter
place: "Hailstorms, they say; whirlwinds; and lightnings, even, will
be scared away by a woman uncovering her body while her monthly
courses are upon her. The same, too, w ith all other kinds of ten^pestuous
Meatlier: and out at sea a storm may be stilled by a woman uncover-
ing her body merely, even though not menstruating at the time. At
any other time, also, if a woman strips herself naked while she is men-
struating, and walks round a field of wheat, the caterpillars, worms,
beetles, and other vermin \\ill fall from ofT the ears of corn."
^ Dr. L. Laurent gives these instances, "De Quelques Phenomenes
Mecaniques produits au moment de la Menstruation," Annales des Sci-
ences Psychiques, September and October, 1897.
214 APPENDIX A.
In 1878 a member of the British Medical Association wrote
to the British Medical Journal, asking whether it was true that
if a woman cured hams while menstruating the hams would be
spoiled. He had known this to happen twice. Another medical
man wrote that if so, what would happen to the patients of men-
struating lady -doctors? A third wrote (in the Journal for April
27, 1878): "I thought the fact was so generally known to every
housewife and cook that meat would spoil if salted at the men-
strual period, that I am surprised to see so many letters on the
subject in the Journal. If I am not mistaken, the question was
mooted many years ago in the periodicals. It is undoubtedly
the fact that meat will be tainted if cured by women at the cata-
menial period. Whatever the rationale may be, I can speak posi-
tively as to the fact.^^
It is probably the influence of these primitive ideas which
has caused surgeons and gynecologists to dread operations during
the catamenial period. Such, at all events, is the opinion of a
distinguished authority. Dr. William Goodell, who wrote in
1891^: "I have learned to unlearn llie teaching that women must
not be subjected to a surgical operation during the monthly flux.
Our forefathers, from time immemorial, have thought and taught
that the presence of a menstruating woman would pollute sol-
emn religious rites, would sour milk, spoil the fermentation in
wine-vats, and much other mischief in a general way. Influenced
by hoary tradition, modern physicians very generally postpone
all operative treatment until tlie flow has ceased. But why this
delay, if time is precious, and it enters as an important factor in
the case? I have found menstruation to be the very best time
to curette away fungous vegetations of the endometrium, for,
being swollen then, by the afTIux of blood, they are larger than
at any other time, and can the more readily be removed. There
is, indeed, no surer way of checking or of stopping a metror-
rhagia than by curetting the womb during the very flow. While
T do nnt sol Oft this period for the removal of ovarian cysts, or for
'As (juoh'tl iji ilh- Provincial ^Icdiciil .lonnial. April. 1S!»1
MENSTRUATION AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 215
other abdominal work, such as the extirpation of the ovaries, or
a kidney, or breaking up intestinal adhesions, etc., yet I have not
hesitated to perform these operations at such a time, and have
never had reason to regret the course. The only operations that
I should dislike to perform during menstruation would be those
involving the womb itself."
It must be added to this that we still have to take into
consideration not merely the surviving influence of ancient
primitive beliefs, but the possible existence of actual nervous
conditions during the menstrual period, producing what may
be described as an abnormal nervous tension. In this way, we
are doubtless concerned with a tissue of phenomena, inextricably
woven, of folk-lore, autosuggestion, false observation, and real
mental and nervous abnormality. Laurent has recently brought
forward several cases which may illustrate this point. Thus, he
speaks of two young girls of about 16 and 17, slightly neuro-
pathic, but without definite hysterical symptoms, who, during
the menstrual period feel themselves in a sort of electrical state,
"with tingling and prickling sensations and feelings of attraction
or repulsion at the contact of various objects.'' These girls be-
lieve their garments stick to their skin during the periods; it
was only with difficulty that they could remove their slippers,
though fitting easily; stockings liad to be drawn off violently
by another person, and they had given up changing their chemises
during the period because the linen became so glued to the skin.
An orchestral performer on the double-bass informed Laurent
that whenever he left a tuned double-bass in his lodgings during
his wife's period a string snapped; consequently he always re-
moved his instrument at this time to a friend's house. He added
that the same thing happened two years earlier with a mistress,
a cafe-concert singer, who had, indeed, warned him beforehand.
A harpist also informed Laurent that she had been obliged to
give up her profession because during her period several strings
of her harp, always the same strings, broke, especially when she
was playing. A friend of Laurent's, an official in Cochin China,
also told him that tl;e strings of his violin often snapped during
the menstrual periods of his Annamite mistress, who informed
216 APPENDIX A.
him that Annamite women are familiar with this phenomenon,
and are careful not to play on their instruments at this time. Two
young ladies, both good violinists, also affirmed that ever since
their first menstruation they had noted a tendency for the strings
to snap at this period; one, a genuine artist, who often performed
at charity concerts, systematically refused to play at these times,
and was often embarrassed to find a pretext; the other, who ad-
mitted that she was nervous and irritable at such times, had
given up playing on account of the trouble of changing the
strings so frequently. Laurent also refers to the frequency with
which women break things during the menstrual periods, and
considers that this is not simply due to the awkwardness caused
by nervous exhaustion or hysterical tremors, but that there is
spontaneous breakage. Most usually it happens that a glass
breaks when it is being dried with a cloth; needles also break
with unusual facility at this time; clocks are stopped by merely
placing the hand upon them.
I do not here attempt to estimate critically the validity of
these alleged manifestations (some of which may certainly be
explained by the unconscious muscular action which forms the
basis of the phenomena of table-turning and thought-reading);
such a task may best be undertaken through the minute study of
isolated cases, and in this place I am merely concerned with the
general influence of the menstrual state in affecting tlie social
position of women, without reference to the analysis of the ele-
ments that go to make up that influence.
There is only one further point to which attention may be
called. I allude to the way in which the more favorable side
of the primitive conception of the menstruating woman — as
priestess, sibyl, prophetess, an almost miraculous agent for good,
an angel, the peculiar home of the divine element — was slowly
and continuously carried on side by side with the less favorable
view, through the beginnings of European civilization until our
own times. The actual physical phenomena of menstruation,
with the ideas of taboo associated with that state, sank into the
background as culture evolved; but, on the other hand, the
ideas of tlio an,£relic position and spiritual mission of women,
MENSTRUATION AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 217
based on the primitive conceptioB of the mystery associated with
menstruation, still in some degree persisted.
It is evident, however, that, while, in one form or another,
the more favorable aspect of the primitive view of women's magic
function has never quite died out, the gradual decay and deg-
radation of the primitive animistic view has, on the whole, in-
volved a more degraded view of women's nature and position.
Woman has always been the witch; she was so even in ancient
Babylonia; but she has ceased to be the priestess. The early
Teutons saw ^^sanctum aliquid et providum" in women who, for
the medieval German preacher, were only '^bestice bipedales^'; and
Schopenhauer and even Nietzsche have been more inclined to
side with the preacher than with the half -naked philosophers of
Tacitus's day. But both views alike are but the extremes of the
same animistic conception; and the gradual evolution from one
extreme of the magical doctrine to the other was inevitable.
Thus it is that, in order to do justice to women, we have to sweep
aside both aspects alike of the magic conception of womanhood,
— that which absurdly exalts it, as well as that which absurdly
degrades it, — remembering that both conceptions alike flow from
the same source, and that each involves the other. This can only
be accomplished by the clear and full discussion of the problems
that centre around sex.
In an advanced civilization, as we see, these ideas having
their ultimate basis on the old story of the serpent, and on a spe-
cial and mysterious connection between the menstruating woman
and the occult forces of magic, tend to die out. The separation of
the sexes they involved becomes unnecessary. Living in greater
community with men, women are seen to possess something, it
may well be, but less than before, of the angel-devil of animistic
theories. Menstruation is no longer a monstrific state requiring
spiritual taboo, but a normal physiological process, not without
its psychic influences on the woman herself and on those who
live with her.
APPENDIX B.
SEXUAL PERIODICITY IX MEX.
By F. H. Perry-Coste, B.Sc. (Lond.).
In a recent brochure on the ^"'Rhythm of the Pulse""^ I
showed inter alia that the readings of the pulse, in both man and
woman, if arranged in lunar monthly periods, and averaged over
several years, displayed a clear, and sometimes very strongly
marked and symmetrical, rhythm. After pointing out that, in
at any rate some cases, the male and female pulse-curves, both
monthly and annual, seemed to be converse to one another, I
added: '^It is difficult to ignore the suggestion that in this trac-
ing of the monthly rhythm of the pulse we have a history of the
monthly function in women; and that, if so, the tracing of the
male pulse may eventually afford us some help in discovering a
corresponding monthly period in men: the existence of which
has been suggested by Mr. Havelock Ellis and Professor Stanley
Hall, among other writers. Certainly the mere fact that we can
trace a clear monthly rhythm in man's pulse seems to point
strongly to the existence of a monthly physiological period in
him also."
Obviously, however, it is only indirectly and by inference
that we can argue from a monthly rhythm of the pulse in men
to a male sexual periodicity; l)ut I am now able to adduce more
direct evidence that will fairly domoustrate the existence of a
sexual periodicity in men.
' First j)nl)1isliod in tlu* ITnixorsity M:i<?i\/.iiio mjuI Froo Kovicw of
February, 1898, and since reprinted as a paniijhlet, and published by the
University Press, Watford, near Ijondon. A preliminary communication
appeared in Nature, Mav 14. 1S91.
(218)
SEXUAL PERIODICITY IX MEN. 219
We will start from the fact that celibac}^ is profoundly un-
natural, and is, therefore, a physical — as well as an emotional and
intellectual — abnormality. This being so, it is entirely in accord
with all that we know of physiology that, when relief to the sex-
ual secretory system by Xature's means is denied, and when, in
consequence, a certain degree of tension or pressure has been
attained, the system should relieve itself by a spontaneous dis-
charge— such discharge being, of course, in the strict sense of
the term, pathological, since it would never occur in any animal
that followed the strict law of its physical being without any re-
gard to other and higher laws of concern for its fellows.
Notoriously, that which we should have anticipated a priori
actually occurs; for any unmarried man, who lives in strict
chastity, periodically experiences, while sleeping, a loss of semi-
nal fluid, such phenomena being popularly referred to as iret
dreams.'^
During some eight or ten years I have carefully recorded the
occurrence of such discharges as I have experienced myself, and
I have now accumulated sufficient data to justify an attempt to
formulate some provisional conclusions. -
In order to render these observations as serviceable as may
be to students of periodicity, I here repeat (at the request of Mr.
Havelock Ellis) the statement which was subjoined, for the same
reasons, to my "Ehythm of the Pulse." These observations upon
myself were made between the ages of 20 and 33. I am about 5
feet 9 inches tall, broad-shouldered, and weigh about 10 stone
3 lbs. net — this weight being, I believe, about 7 lbs. below the
normal for my height. Also I have green-brown eyes, very dark-
brown hair, and a complexion that leads strangers frequently to
^ I may add, however, that in my o\\ n case these discliavges are — so
far as I can trust my waking consciousness — frequently, if not usually,
dreamless; and that strictly sexual dreams are extremely rare, notwith-
standing the possession of a strongly emotional temperament.
- If I can trust my memory, I first experienced this discharge when
a few months under fifteen years of age. and, if so, within a few weeks
of the time when T was. in an instant, suddenly struck with the thought
that possibly the religion in which I had been educated might be false.
It is curiously interesting that the advent of puberty should have been
heralded bv this intelleotunl crisis.
220 APPENDIX B.
mistake me for a foreigner — this complexion being, perhaps,
attributable to some Huguenot blood, although on the maternal
side I am, so far as all information goes, pure English. I can
stand a irood deal of heat, eniov relaxino- climates, am at once
upset by ^'bracing'" sea-air, hate the cold, and sweat profusely
after any exercise. To this it will suffice to add that my tempera-
ment is of a decidedly nervous and emotional type.
Before proceeding to remark upon the various rhythms that
I have discovered, I Avill tabulate the data on which my conclu-
sions are founded. The numbers of discharges recorded in the
years in question are as follow: —
In 188G, 30. (Records commenced in April.)
In 1887, 40. .
In 1888, 37.
In 1889, 18. (Pretty certainly not fully recorded.)
In 1890, 0. (No records kept this year.^)
In 1891, 19. (Records recommenced in June.)
In 1892, 35.
In 1893, 40.
In 1894, 38.
In 1895, 30.
In 1890, 3G.
In 1897, 35.
Avera.^e. 37. (Omitting 1880, 1889, and 1891.)
Thus I have complete records for eight years, and incom-
plete records for three more; and the remarkable concord be-
tween the respective annual numbers of observations in these
eight years not only afTords us intrinsic evidence of the accuracy
of my records, Ijut, also, at once proves that there is an undeni-
able regularity in the occurrence of these sexual discharges, and,
therefore, gives u- reason for expecting to find this regularity
'This unforliinatr hrcacli in llic rocoids was duo to tho fact that,
failinp^ to discover any rcpiilarily in. or law of. tlio occurrences of the
discliarfiifcs. I hccainc discourajfcd and a)):ni(l<)nc(l my records. Tn .lune,
1891, a rc-cxaniinaiion of my pulsc-rccords havinjj^ led to my discovery
of a lunar niont illy rhythm of the ])ulse, my interest in other physio-
logical jjcriodicities wa"^ reawakened, and I recommenced my records of
tliesc dis(harf,'cs.
SEXUAL PERlOmClTY IN MEN. 221
rhythmical. Moreover, since it seemed reasonable to expect that
there might be more than one rhythm, I have examined my data
with a view to discovering (1) an annual, (2) a lunar-monthly,
and (3) a weekly rhythm, and I now proceed to show that all
three such rhythms exist.
The Annual Rhythm.
It is obvious that, in searching for an annual rhythm, we
must ignore the records of the three incomplete years, but those
of the remaining eight are graphically depicted upon Chart 7.
The curves speak so plainly for themselves that any comment
were almost superfluous, and the concord between the various
curves, although, of course, not perfect, is far greater than the
scantiness of the data would have justified us in expecting. The
curves all agree in pointing to the existence of three well-defined
maxima, — viz., in March, June, and September, — these being,
therefore, the months in which the sexual instinct is most active;
and the later curves show that there is also often a fourth maxi-
mum in January. In the earlier years the March and June
maxima are more strikingly marked than the September one;
but the uppermost curve shows that on the average of all eight
years the September maximum is the highest, the June and
January maxima occupying the second place, and the March
maximum being the least strongly marked of all.
Now, remembering that, in calculating the curves of the
annual rhythm of the pulse, I had found it necessary to average
two months' records together, in order to bring out the full
significance of the rhythm, I thought it well to try the effect
upon these curves also of similarly averaging two months to-
gether. At first my results were fairly satisfactory; but, as my
data increased year by year, I found that these curves were con-
tradicting one another, and therefore concluded that I had
selected unnatural periods for my averaging. My first attempted
remedy was to arrange the months in the pairs December-Jan-
uar}^, February-March, etc., instead of in January-February,
March- April, etc.; but with these pairs I fared no better than
with the former. I then arranged the months in the triplets.
222 APPENDIX B.
January-Febriiai'v-^Maixli, etc.; and the results are graphically
recorded on Chart 8. Here, again, comment would be quite
futile, but I need only point out that, on the irlioJe, the sexual
activity rises steadily during the first nine months in the year
to its maximum in September, and then sinks rapidly and
abruptly during the next three to its minimum in December.
The study of these curves suggests two interesting ques-
tions, to neither of which, however, do the data afford us an
answer.
In the first place, are the alterations, in my case, of the
maximum of the discharges from March and June in the earlier
years to September in the later, and the interpolation of a new
secondary maximum in January, correlated with the increase in
age; or is the discrepancy due simply to a temporary irregularity
that would have been equally averaged out had I recorded the
discharges of 1881-89 instead of those from 1887 to 1897?
The second question is one of very gi'eat importance — so-
cially, ethically, and physically. Plow often, in this climate, should
a man have sexual connection with his wife in order to maintain
himself in perfect physiological equilibrium? My results enable
us to state definitely the minimum limits, and to reply that 37
embraces annually would be too few; but, unfortunately, they
give us no clue to the maximum limit. It is obvious that the
necessary frequency should be greater than 37 times annually, —
possibly very considerably in excess thereof, — seeing that the
spontaneous discharges, with which we are dealing, are due to
overpressure, and occur only when the system, being denied
natural relief, can no longer retain its secretions; and, therefore,
it seems very reasonable to suggest that the frequency of natural
relief should be some multiple of 37. I do not perceive, how-
ever, that the data in hand afl'ord iis any clue to this multiple,
or enable us to suggest either 2, 3, 4, or 5 as the required multiple
of 37. It is true that other observations upon myself have af-
forded me what I believe to Ix- a fairly satisfactory and reliable
answer so far as concerns mvself: but these observations are of
SEXUAL PERIODICITY IN MEN. 223
such a nature that they cannot he discussed here, and I have no
inclination to offer as a counsel to others an opinion which I
am unable to justify by the citation of facts and statistics. More-
over, I am quite unable to opine whether, given 37 as the annual
frequency of spontaneous discharges in a number of men, the
multiple required for the frequency of natural relief should be
the same in every case. For aught I know to the contrary, the
physiological idiosyncrasies of men may be so varied that, given
two men with an annual frequency of 37 spontaneous discharges,
the desired multiple may be in one case X and in the other 2X.^
Our data, however, do clearly denote that the frequency in the
six or eight summer months should bear to the frequency of the
six or four winter months the proportion of three or four to two.
Moreover, since we are starting from a premise of a stated annual
frequenc}^, and since, during man}^ months of pregnancy and
suckling, a woman should be free from the embraces of her hus-
band, it seems reasonable that the frequency during the remain-
ing months should be, if possible, so far increased that the total
annual frequency should remain undisturbed,^ always provided,
however, that these safe-guards for the man's health can he secured
icithout detriment to either the health or the inclinations of the wife.
It should never be forgotten, however, that, under all conditions,
both man and wife should exercise prudence, both self ward and
otherivard, and that each should utterly refuse to gratify self by
accepting a sacrifice, however willingly offered, that may be
gravely prejudicial to the health of the other; for only experi-
ence can show whether, in any union, the receptivity of the
woman he greater or less than, or equal to, the physical desire of
the man. To those, of course, who regard marriage from the
old-fashioned and grossly immoral stand-point of Melancthon
and other theologians, and who consider a wife as the divinelv
''■ As a matter of fact. I take it that we may safely assert that no
man who is content to be guided by his own instinctive cravings, and
who neither suppresses these, on the one hand, nor endeavors to force
himself, on the other hand, will be in any danger of erring by either
excess or the contrary.
- If for any reason Xeo-Malthusianism be practiced, the problem is,
of eoTirse, reduced to its simplest terms.
224: APPENDIX B.
ordained vehicle for the chartered intemperance of her husband,
it will seem grotesque in the highest degree that a physiological
inquirer should attempt to advise them how often to seek the
embraces of their wives; but those who regard woman from the
stand-point of a higher ethics, who abhor the notion that she
should be only the vehicle for her husband's passions, and who
demand that she shall be mistress of her own body, will not be
ungrateful for any guidance that physiology can afford them.
It will be seen presently, moreover, that the study of the weekly
rhythm does afford us some less inexact clue to the desired solu-
tion.
One curious fact may be mentioned before we quit this in-
teresting question. It is stated that "Solon required [of the
husband] three payments per month. By the Misna a daily debt
was imposed upon an idle vigorous young husband: tivice a week
on a citizen; once in thirty days on a camel-driver; once in six
months on a seaman.^'^ Now it is certainly striking that Solon's
"three payments per month" exactly correspond with my rec-
ords of 37 discharges annually. Had Solon similarly recorded a
series of observations upon himself?
The Lunar-Monthly EiiYTH^r.
We now come to that division of the inquiry which is of
the greatest physiological interest, although of little social im-
port. Is there a monthly period in man as well as in woman?
My records indicate clearly that there is.
In searching for this monthly rhythm I have utilized the
data, not only of the eight completely-recorded years, but also
those of the three years of 188G, 1889, and 1891, for, although
it would obviously have been inaccurate to utilize these incom-
plete records when calculating the yearly rhythm, there seems
no objection to making use of them in the present section of
the inquiry. It is hardly necessary to remark that the terms
"first day of the month," "second day," "third day," etc., are to
' Rolden's "Uxor Trcbraica." as quoted in Gibbon's "Declino and
Fall," vol. V, p. 52, of iJohirs edition.
SEXUAL PERIODICITY IN MEN. 225
be understood as denoting "new-moon day," "day after new-
moon," "third lunar day," and so on; but it should be explained
that, since these discharges occur at night, I have adopted the
astronomical, instead of the civil, day; so that a new moon oc-
curring between noon yesterday and noon to-day is reckoned as
occurring yesterday, and yesterday is regarded as the first lunar
day: thus, a discharge occurring in the night between December
31st and January 1st is tabulated as occurring on December 31st,
and, in the present discussion, is assigned to the lunar day com-
prised between noon of December 31st and noon of January 1st.
Since it is obvious that the number of discharges in any
one year — averaging, as they do, only 1.25 per day — are far too
few to yield a curve of any value, I have combined my data in.
two series. The dotted curve on Chart 9 is obtained by com-
bining the results of the years 1886-92: two of these years are
incompletely recorded, and there are no records for 1890; the
total number of observations was 179. The broken curve is
obtained by combining those of the years 1893-97, the total num-
ber of observations being 185. Even so, the data are far too
scanty to yield a really characteristic curve; but the continuous
curve, which sums up the results of the eleven years, is more
reliable, and obviously more satisfactory;
If the two former curves be compared, it will be seen that,
on the whole, they display a general concordance, such differ-
ences as exist being attributable chiefly to tw^o facts: (1) that
the second curve is more even throughout, neither maximum nor
minimum being so strongly mark-ed as in the first; and (2) that
the main maximum occurs in the middle of the month instead
of on the second lunar day, and the absence of the marked
initial maximum alters the character of the first week or so of
this curve. It is, however, scarcely fair to lay any great stress
on the characters of curves obtained from such scanty data, and
we will, therefore, pass to the continuous curve, the study of
which will prove more valuable.^
^ I may add that the curve yielded by 1896-97 is remarkably parallel
with that yielded by the preceding nine years, but I have not thought
it worth wliile to chart these two additional curves.
15
22 ij APPENDIX B.
Xow, even a cursory examination of this continuous curve
will vield the followino: results: —
1. The discharges occur most frequently on the second lunar
day.
2. The days of the next most frequent discharges are the
22d; the 13th; the Tth, 20th, and 26th; the 11th and 16th;
so that, if we regard only the first six of these, we find that the
discharges occur most frequently on the 2d, 7th, 13th, 20th, 22d,
and 26th lunar days — i.e., the discharges occur most frequently
on days separated, on the average, by four-day intervals; but
actually the period between the 20th and 22d days is that char-
acterized by the most frequent discharges.
3. The days of minimum of discharge are the 1st, 5th, 15th,
18th, and 21st.
4. The curve is characterized by a continual see-sawing; so
that every notable maximum is immediately followed by a
notable minimum. Thus, the curve is of an entirely different
character from that representing the monthly rhythm of the
pulse,^ and this is only what one might have expected, for,
whereas the mea7i pulsations vary only very slightly from day
to day, — thus giving rise to a gradually rising or sinking curve,
— a discharge from the sexual system relieves the tension by
exhausting the stored-up secretion, and is necessarily followed
by some days of rest and inactivity. In the very nature of the
case, therefore, a curve of this kind could not possibly be other-
wise than most irregular if the discharges tended to occur most
frequently upon definite days of the month; and thus the very
irregularity of the curve affords us proof that there is a regular
male periodicity, such that on certain days of the month there
is greater probability of a spontaneous discharge than on any
other days.
5. Gratifying, however, though this irregularity of the curve
may be, yet it entails a corresponding dis<idvantage, for we are
precluded thereby from readily perceiving the characteristics of
the monthly rhythm as a whole. I thought that perhaps this
' See "RhytliiM of the Pulse," Chart 4.
SEXUAL PEEIODICITY IN MEN. 227
aspect of the rhythm might be rendered plainer if I calculated
the data into two-day a\erages; and the result, as shown in
Chart 10, is extremely satisfactory. Here we can at once perceive
the wonderful and almost geometric, symmetry of the monthly
rhythm; indeed, if the third maximum were one unit higher, if
the first minimum were one unit lower, and if the lines joining
the second minimum and third maximum, and the fourth maxi-
mum and fourth minimum, were straight instead of being slightly
broken, then the curve would, in its chief features, be geometric-
ally symmetrical; and this symmetry appears to me to afford a
convincing proof of the representative accuracy of the curve.
We see that the month is divided into five periods; that the
maxima occur on the following pairs of days: the 19th-20th,
13th-14th, 25th-26th, lst-2d, Tth-Sth; and that the minima
occur at the Ijeginning, end, and exact middle of the month.
There have been many idle superstitions as to the influence of
the moon upon the earth and its inhabitants, and some beliefs
that — once deemed equally idle — have now been reinstated in
the regard of science; but it would certainly seem to be a very
fascinating and very curious fact if the influence of the moon
upon men should be such as to regulate the spontaneous dis-
charges of their sexual system. Certainly the lovers of all ages
would then have "builded better than they knew," when they
reared altars of devotional verse to that chaste goddess Artemis.
The Weekly Etiythm.
We now come to the third branch of our inquiry, and have
to ask whether there be any weekly rh3^thm of the sexual activity.
A priori it might be answered that to expect any such weekly
rhythm were absurd, seeing that our week — unlike the lunar
month of the year — is a purely artificial and conventional period,
while, on the other hand, it might be retorted that the existence
of an induced weekly periodicity is quite conceivable, such perio-
dicity being induced by the habitual difference between our oc-
cupation, or mode of life, on one or two days of the week and
that on the remaining days. In such an inquiry, however, a
priori argument is futile, as the question can be answered only
228 APPENDIX B,
by an induction from observations, and the curves on Chart 11
(A and B) prove conclusively that there is a notable weekly
rhythm. The existence of this weekly rhythm being granted,
it would naturally be assumed that either the maximum or the
minimum would regularly occur on Saturday or Sunday; but
an examination of the curves discloses the unexpected result that
the dav of maximum discharo:e varies from vear to vear. Thus
it is^
Sunday in 1888, 1892, 1896.
Tuesday in 1894.
Thursday in 1886, 1897.
Friday in 1887.
Saturday in 1893 and 1895.
Since, in Chart 11, the curves are drawn from Sunday to
Sunday, it is obvious that the real S3^mmetry of the curve is
brought out in those years only which are characterized by a
Sunday maximum; and, accordingly, in Chart 12 1 have depicted
the curves in a more suitable form.
Chart 12 .4 is obtained by combining the data of 1888.
1892, and 1896: the years of a Sunday maximum. Curve 12 B
r€presents the results of 1894, the year of a Tuesday maximum —
multiplied throughout by three in order to render the curve
strictly comparable with the former. Curve 12 C represents 1886
and 1897 — the years of a Thursday maximum — similarly multi-
plied by 1.5. In Curve 12 D we have the results of 1887 — the
year of a Friday maximum — again multiplied by three; and in
Curve 12 E those of 1893 and 1895— the years of a Saturday
maximum — multiplied by 1.5. Finally, Curve 12 F represents
the combined results of all nine years plus (the latter half of)
1891, and this curve shows that, on the whole period, there is a
very strongly marked Sunday maximum.
I liardly think that these curves call for much comment.
In their general character they display a notable concord among
^ As will be obsen-cd, I have omitted tlie results of the ineoin|)letely
recorded years of ISSO and ISDl. Tlie a|)parenl explanation of tliis
curious oscillation will be given directly.
SEXUAL PERIODICITY IN MEN. 229
themselves, and it is significant that the most regular of the five
curves are A and £J, representing the combinations of three
years and of two 3^ears, respectively, while the least regular is B,
which is based upon the records of one year only. In every case
we find that the maximum which opens the week is rapidly suc-
ceeded bv a minimum, which is itself succeeded bv a secondarv
maximum, — usually very secondary, although in 1894 it nearly
equals the primary maximum, — followed again by a second mini-
mum— usually nearly identical with the first minimum, — after
which there is a rapid rise to the original maximum. The study
of these curves fortunately amplifies the conclusion drawn from
our study of the annual rhythm, and suggests that, in at least
part of the year, the physiological condition of man requires
sexual union at least twice a week.
As to Curve 12 F, its remarkable symmetry speaks for itself.
The existence of two secondary maxima, however, has not the
same significance as had that of our secondary maximum in the
preceding curves, for one of these secondary maxima is due to
the influence of the 189-1 curve with its primary Tuesday maxi-
mum, and the other to the similar influence of Curve C, with its
primary Thursday maximum. Similarly, the veiled third sec-
ondary maximum is due to the influence of Curve E. Probably,
any student of curves will concede that, on a still larger average,
the two secondary maxima of Curve F would be replaced by a
single one on Wednesday or Thursday.
One more question remains for consideration in connection
with this weekly rhythm. Is it possible to trace any connection
between the weekly and yearly rhythms of such a character that
the Aveekly day of maximum discharge should vary from month
to month in the year; in other words, does the greater frequency
of a Sunday discharge characterize one part of the year, that of
a Tuesday another, and so on? In order to answer this question
I have recalculated all my data, with results that are graphically
represented in Chart 13. These curves prove that the Sunday
maxima discharges occur in March-September, and the minima
in June; that the Monday maxima discharges occur in Septem-
ber, Friday in July, and so on. Thus, there is a regular rhythm,
230 APPENDIX B.
aecordinof to which the davs of maximum discharsre varv from
one month of the year to another; and the existence of this final
rhythm appears to me very remarkable. I would especially direct
attention to the almost geometric symmetry of the Sunday curve,
and to the only less complete symmetry of the Thursday and
Fridav curves. Certainlv in these rhvthms we have an ample
field for farther study and speculation.
I have now completed my study of this fascinating inquiry:
a study that is necessarily incomplete, since it is based upon rec-
ords furnished by one individual only. The fact, however, that,
even with so few observations, and notwithstanding the conse-
quently-exaggerated disturbing infiuence of minor irregularities,
such remarkable and unexpected symmetry is evidenced by these
curves, only increases one's desire to have the opportunity of
handlincf a series of observations sufficientlv numerous to render
the generalizations induced from them absolutely conclusive. I
would again appeaP to heads of colleges to assist this inquiry by
enlisting in its aid a band of students. If only one hundred stu-
dents, living under similar condition?, could be induced to keep
such records with scrupulous regularity for only twelve months,
the results induced from such a series of observations would be
more than ten times as valuable as those which have only been
reached after ten years' observations on my part; and, if other
centuries of students in foreign and colonial colleges — e.g., in
Italy, India, Australia, and America — could be similarly enlisted
in this work, we should quickly obtain a series of results exhibit-
ing the sexual needs and sexual peculiarities of the male human
animal in various climates. Obviously, however, the records of
any such students would Ik? worse than useless unless their care
and accuracy, on the one hand, and their habitual chastity, on
the other, could be implicitly guaranteed. I am afraid that the
necessity of imposing this latter condition will render it cxceed-
inglv difficult t''^ "btnin -nrh rrsults as are recjuired
'See "Rhythm of the Pulse," p. 21
APPENDIX C.
THE AUTO-EEOTIC FACTOE IX EELIGIOX.
The intimate association between the emotions of love and
religion is well known to all those who are habitually brought
into close contact with the phenomena of the religious life. Love
and religion are the two most volcanic emotions to which the
human organism is liable, and it is not surprising that, when
there is a disturbance in one of these spheres, the vibrations
should readily extend to the other. Xor is it surprising that the
two emotions should have a dynamic relation to each other, and
that the auto-erotic impulse, being the more primitive and funda-
mental of the two impulses, should be able to pass its imex-
pended energy over to the religious emotion, there to find the
expansion hitherto denied it, the love of the human becoming
the love of the divine.
"I was not good enough for man.
And so am given to God."
Even when there is absolute physical suppression on the sex-
ual side, it seems probable that thereby a greater rutensity of
spiritual fervor is caused. ]\Iany eminent thinkers seem to have
been without sexual desire. And the one woman who has pro-
foundly modified the destinies of Europe was destitute of the
physical manifestations of womanhood: Joan of Arc never men-
struated.
It is a noteworthy and significant fact that the age of love
is also the age of conversion. Starbuck, for instance, in his very
elaborate study of the psychology of conversion shows that the
majority of conversions take place during the period of adoles-
cence: that is, from the age of puberty to about 24 or 25.^
- Starbuck. "The Psychology of Eeligion." 1S99. Also A. H. Daniels,
'The Xew Life." American Journal of Psvchologv. vol. vi. 1893.
(231)
232 APPENDIX C.
It would be easy to bring forward a long series of observa-
tions, from the most various points of view, to show the wide
recognition of this close aflinity between the sexual and the re-
ligious emotions. It is probable, as Hahn points out, that the
connection between sexual suppression and religious rites, which
we may trace at the very beginning of culture, was due to an
instinctive impulse to heighten rather than abolish the sexual
element. Early religious rites were largely sexual and orgiastic
because they were largely an appeal to the generative forces of
Xature to exhibit a beneficial productiveness. Among happily-
married people, as Hahn remarks, the sexual emotions rapidly
give place to the cares and anxieties involved in supporting chil-
dren; but when the exercise of the sexual function is prevented
by celibacy, or even by castration, the most complete form of
celibacy, the sexual emotions may pass into the psychical sphere
to take on a more pronounced shape. ^ The early Christians
adopted the traditional Eastern association between religion and
celibacy, and, as the writings of the Fathers amply show, they
expended on sexual matters a concentrated fervor of thought
rarely known to the Greek and Roman writers of the best period.
As Christian theology developed, the minute inquisition into sex-
ual things sometimes became almost an obsession. So far as I am
aware, however (I cannot profess to have made any special investi-
gation), it was not until the late middle ages that there is any clear
recognition of the fact that between the religious emotions and
the sexual emotions there is not only a superficial antagonism,
but an underlying relationship. In the fourteenth century the
wise old Knight of the Tower, Landry, tells his daughters that
"no young woman, in love, can ever serve her God with that
unfeignedness which she did aforetime. For I have heard it
argued by many who, in their young days, had been in love that,
when they were in the church, the condition and the pleasing
melancholy in which they found themselves would infallibly set
them brooding over all their tender love-sick longings and all
• Ed. Halm, "Deineter und Baubo," 1896, pp. 50-51. Hahn is argu-
ing for the religious origin of tlio plough, as a generative implement,
drawn by a sacred and castrated animal, the ox.
THE AUTO-EROTIC FACTOR IN RELIGION. 233
their amorous passages, when they should have been attending to
the service which was going on at the time. And such is the
property of this mystery of love that it is ever at the moment
when the priest is holding our Saviour upon the altar that the
most enticing emotions come.'' And after narrating the history
of two queens beyond the seas who indulged in amours even on
Holy Thursday and Good Friday, at midnight in their oratories,
when the lights were put out, he concludes: "Every woman in
love is more liable to fall in church or at her devotion than at
any other time." To come down to more recent times, in our
OAvn century the head-master of Clifton College, when discussing
the sexual vices of boyhood, remarks that the boys whose tem-
perament exposes them to these faults are usually far from desti-
tute of religious feelings; that there is, and always has been, an
undoubted co-existence of religion and animalism; that emotional
appeals and revivals are far from rooting out carnal sin; and
that in some places, as is well known, they seem actually to stim-
ulate, even at the present day, to increased licentiousness.^'^ A
century ago, Casanova, looking at the matter from a very different
stand-point, and after referring to "that mingling of mysticism
and concupiscence which seethes in a Spanish heart," goes on
to say: "I have everywhere observed that devout women are more
sensitive than others to carnal pleasures."
The relationship of the sexual and the religious emotions —
like so many other of the essential characters of human nature —
is seen in its nakedest shape by the alienist. Esquirol referred
to this relationship, and, many years ago, J. B. Friedreich, a
German alienist of wide outlook and considerable insight, em-
phasized the connection between the sexual and the religious
emotions, and brought forward illustrative cases.- Schroder Van
der Kolk also remarked: "I venture to express my conviction
that we should rarely err if, in a case of religious melancholy.
^ Rev. J. M. Wilson, Journal of Education, 1881. At about the
same period (1882) Spurgeon pointed out in one of his sermons that by a
strange yet natural law excess of spirituality is next door to sensuality.
- "System der gerichtlichen Psychologic," second edition, 1842, pp.
266-68; and more at length in his "Allgemeine Diagnostik der psy-
chischen Krankheiten, second edition, 1832, pp. 247-51.
234 APPENDIX C.
we assumed the sexual apparatus to be implicated."^ R^gis, in
France, lays it down that ^'there exists a close connection be-
tween mystic ideas and erotic ideas, and most often these two
orders of conception are associated in insanity."- Berthier con-
sidered that erotic forms of insanity are those most frequently
found in convents. Beavan Lewis points out how frequently
religious exaltation occurs at puberty in women, and religious
depression at the climacteric, the period of sexual decline." "Re-
ligion is very closely allied to love," remarks Savage, "and the
love of w^oman and the worship of God are constantly sources of
trouble in unstable youth; it is very interesting to note the fre-
quency with which these two deep feelings are associated.''*
"Closely connected with salacity, particularly in women,"
remarks Conolly Xorman, when discussing mania (Tuke's "Dic-
tionary of Psychological Medicine"), "is religious excitement.
. . . Ecstasy, as we see in cases of acute mental disease,
is probably always connected with sexual excitement, if not
with sexual depravity. The same association is constantly
seen in less extreme cases, and one of the commonest features
in the conversation of an acutely maniacal woman is the inter-
mingling of erotic and religious ideas." Ball, Brouardel, Morselli,
C. H. Hughes,'"' to mention but a few names among many, have
emphasized the same point. "^ Recently Vallon and Marie have
published a valuable study of religious psychoses ("Des Psychoses
Religieuses," Archives de Neurologie, 1897); one of their cases mas-
turljated licrself with a crucifix, believing that she thus sancti-
fied the act; and they refer to a case of circular insanity, recorded
by Morel, in which the subject believed herself to be, by turns,
a nun and a prostitute. Krafft-Ebing deals briefly Avith the con-
nection between holiness aud the sexual emotion, and tbo special
^ "HandboeU van de Pathologie on Thorapie der Krankzinniijhoid,"
1803. r. 139 of Knjrlish odition.
-"Manuel pratique de Mrdecine mentale," 1802, p. 31.
=* "Text-book of Mental Diseases," p. 393.
*G. n. Savaj,'e, "Insanity," 188(5.
'^ "Erotopatliia," Alienist and Neurologist, Oetober, 1893.
"Reference may be sj)ecially made to the interesting chapter on
"D^'Jire Pvcligieux" in Teard's "\a\ Femme pendant In jx'riode Men-
struelle," pp. 211-2.34.
THE ALTO-KKOTIC FACTOR IX RELIGION. 235
liability of the saints to sexual temptations; he thus states his
own conclusions: "Keligious and sexual emotional states at the
height of their development exhibit a harmony in quantity and
quality of excitement, and can thus in certain circumstances act
vicariously. Both," he adds, "can be converted into cruelty un-
der pathological conditions."^ ^
After quoting these opinions it is, perhaps, not unnecessary
to point out that, while sexual emotion constitutes the main
reservoir of energy on which religion can draw, it is far from
constituting either the whole content of religion or its root.
Murisier, in an able study of the psychology of religious ecstasy,
justly protests against too crude an explanation of its nature,
though at the same time he admits that "'the passion of the re-
ligious ecstatic lacks nothing of what goes to make up sexual
love, not even jealousy.''-
Serieux, in his little work, "Recherches Cliniques sur les
Anomalies de Tlnstinct SexueP' (Paris. 1888), A^aluable on ac-
count of its instructive cases, records in detail a case which so
admirably illustrates this phase of auto-erotism on the border-
land between ordinary erotic day-dreaming and religious mys-
ticism, the phenomena for a time reaching an insane degree of
intensity, that I reproduce it.
"Therese M., aged 2-i, shows ph^^sical stigmata of degenera-
tion. The heredity is also bad; the father is a mason, a man of
reckless and irregular conduct, neglecting his family; the mother
was at one time in a lunatic asylum, and died of a disease of the
stomach.
"The patient was brought up in an orphanasx. and was a
troublesome, volatile child; she treated household occupations
with contempt, but was fond of study. Even at an early age her
' "Psychopatliia Sexualis." eiohth edition, pp. 8 and 11.
- E. iVrnrisier. "T.e Sontiinent Relifjionx dans I'Extase." Revue Philo-
sophique. November, 1898. Starbuck. pofain ("Psycholoory of K'^^lision,"
Chapter XXX). in a brief discussion of this point, concludes that "the
sexual life, althonjrh it has left its impress on fully developed religion,
seems to have oriofiually fi^iven the psychic impulse Mhich called out the
latent possibilities of developments rather than to have furnished the
raw material out of which relisrion was constructed."
236 APPENDIX C.
lively imagination attracted attention, and the pleasure which
she took in building castles in the air. From the age of seven
to ten she masturbated. At her first communion she felt that
Jesus would for ever be the one master of her heart. At thir-
teen, after the death of her mother, she seemed to see her, and
to hear her say that she was watching over her child. Shortly
afterward she was overwhelmed by a new grief, the death of a
teacher for whom she cherished great affection on account of her
pure character. On the following days she seemed to see and
hear this teacher, and would not leave the house where the body
lay. Tendencies to melancholy appeared; she would cry and be
miserable without cause, compose sad verses, and long for death.
Saddened by the funeral ceremonies, exhorted by nuns, fed on
mystic revery, she passed from the orphanage to a convent.
"She devoted herself solely to the worship of Jesus; to be
like Jesus, to bear her cross like Jesus, to desire death in order
to be near Jesus — such were henceforth her constant preoccupa-
tions. The Virgin's name was rarely seen in her writings, God's
name never. 'I wanted,' she said, ^to love Jesus more than any
of the nuns I saw, and I even thought that he had a partiality for
me.' She was also haunted by the idea of preserving her purity.
She avoided frivolous conversation, and left the room when mar-
riage was discussed, such a union being incompatible with a
pure life; ^it was my fixed idea for two years to make my soul
ever more pure in order to be. agreeable to Him: the beloved is
well pleased among the lilies.'
"Already, however, in a rudimentary form ap]icared con-
trary tendencies [strictly speaking they were not contrary, but
related, tendencies]. Beneath the mystic passion which con-
cealed it sexual desire was sometimes felt. ^It seemed to me that
there was something in my soul that injured the purity T was
seeking.' At sixteen she experienced emotions which she could
not master, when thinking of a priest who, she said, loved her.
In spite of all remorse she would have l)een willing to have rela-
tions with him. Notwithstanding these passing weaknesses, the
idea of purity always possessed her. The nuns, however, were
concerned about her exaltation. She was sent away from the
THE AUTO-EROTIC FACTOR IN RELIGION. 237
convent, became discouraged, and took a place as a servant, but
her fervor continued. One Sunday, at high mass, she remarked
that the men were all looking at her. During the sermon, the
preacher said, as he seemed to look at her: 'It is from the eucha-
ristic banquet that the Spouse receives fecundit}^' (an allusion to
her own fecundit}^ which, she said, became clear to her later).
At night she was tormented by unaccountable lassitude.
"Her confessor inspires her with great affection; she sends
him tender letters. She would be willing to have relations with
him, even though she considers the desire a temptation of the
devil.
"One day she meditated on the words of the Gospel: 'When
a woman is in travail she is overcome by her pangs, but is full
of joy when she has brought a child into the world.' Her con-
fessor said to her: 'You must apply that to the religious life,' no
doubt because he saw in her one who was predestined to that life.
They w^ere seeking to make her understand, she thought later,
her relations to Jesus.
"Her religious practices become more fervent than ever; she
communicates every day, and returns to the church in the even-
ing; she believes that the preacher concerns himself with her.
"The ground was now prepared for the manifestation of
hallucinations. 'One evening in May/ she writes, 'after being
absorbed in thoughts of my confessor, and feeling discouraged,
as I thought that Jesus, whom I loved so much, would have noth-
ing to do with me, "Mother,*' I cried out, "what must I do to win
your son?" My eyes were fixed on the sky, and I remained in
a state of mad expectation. It was absurd. I to become the
mother of the Word I My heart went on repeating: ''Yes, he is
coming; Jesus is coming!" ' The psychic erethism, reverberat-
ing on the sensorial and sensory centres, led to genital, auditory,
and visual hallucinations, which produced the sensation of sexual
connection. 'For the first time I went to bed and was not alone.
As soon as I felt that touch, I heard the words: "Fear not, it is I.''
I was lost in Him whom I loved. For many days I was cradled
in a world of pleasure; I saw Him everywhere, overwhelming me
with His chaste caresses.'"
238 APPEJSDIX c.
"On the followino; dav at mass she seemed to see Calvarv
before her. 'Jesus was naked and surrounded by a thousand
voluptuous imaginations: His arms were loosened from the cross,
and he said to me: "'Come!'" I longed to fly to Him with my
body, but could not make up my mind to show myself naked.
However, I was carried away by a force I could not control, I
threw myself on my Saviour's neck, and felt that all was over
between the world and me.'
"From that day, 'by sheer reasoning,' she has understood
evervthintr. Previously she thouo:ht that the reli2:ious life was
a renunciation of the joys of marriage and enjoyment generally;
now she understands its object. Jesus Christ desires that she
should have relations with a priest: he is himself incarnated in
priests: just as St. Joseph was the guardian of -the Virgin, so are
priests the guardians of nuns. She has been impregnated by
Jesus, and this imaginary pregnancy preoccupies her in the
hiiJ^hest degree.
"From this time she masturbated daily. She cannot even
go to communion without experiencing voluptuous sensations.
"Her delusions having thus become systematized, nothing
shakes her tenacity in seeking to carry them out; she attempts
at all costs to have relations ^ith her confessor, embraces him,
throws herself at his knees, pursues him. and so becomes a cause
of scandal.
"When brought to the asylum, tiitre is intense sexual ex-
citement, and she masturbates a dozen times a day. even when
talking to the doctor. The sexual organs are normal, the vulva
moist and red, the vagina is painful to touch: the contact of the
finger causes erectile turgescence.
"She has had no rest, she says, since she has learned to love
her Jesus. He desires her to have sexual relations with someone,
and she cannot succeed: 'all my soul's strength is arrested by
this constant endeavor.' Her new surTOundinsrs modifv her be-
havior, and now it is the doctor whom she pursues with her
obsessions.
"'I expected everythino: from the charity of the priests I
have known: I have not deserved what I wanted from them.
THE AUTO-EBOTIC FACTOE IN EELIGIOK. 2o9
But is not a doctor free to do eTerything lor the good of the
patients iatrusted to him b}- Providence? Cannot a doctor thus
devote himself? Since I have tasted the tree of life I am tor-
mented by the desire to share it with a loving friend.' Then she
falls in love with an employee, and makes the crudest advances
to him, believing that she is thus executing the will of Jesus.
'Necessity makes laws/' she exclaims to him, *the moments are
pressing, I have been waiting too long.' She still speaks of her
religious vocation which might be compromised by so long a
delav. T do not want to oret married.'
•'^Every day she writes letters in which the wildest passion
is expressed in mystical and extravagant phrases, human love
going hand in hand with love of Jesus. ^1 feel Jesus so united
to me that my exaltation begins again, and I am irresistibly im-
pelled to renew my desires toward you.'
''Gradualh' a transformation took place; the love of God
was effaced and earthly love became more intense than ever.
'Quitting the heights in which I wished to soar, I am coming so
near to earth that I shall soon fix my desires there.' In a last
letter Therese recognizes with terror the insanity to which the
exaltation of her imagination had led her. ^ow I only believe
in God and in suffering; I feel that it is necessary for me to get
married.'"
!Mariani^ has verv fullv described a case of erotico-relig'ious
insanity (climacteric paranoia on an hysterical basis) in a mar-
ried woman of -i-i. During the early stages of her disorder she
inflicted all sorts of penances upon herself (fasting, constant
prayer, drinking her own urine, cleaning dirty plates with her
tongue, etc.). Finally she felt that by her penances she had
obtained forgiveness of her sins, and 'then began a stage of joy
and satisfaction during which she believed that she had entered
into a state of the most intimate personal relationship with Jesus.
She finally recovered. Mariani shows how closely this history
corresponds with the histories of the saints, and that all the acts
^ "I7na Santa," Archivio di Psichiatria. vol. xix. pp. 438-47. 1898.
240 APPENDIX C.
and emotions of this woman can be exactly paralleled in the lives
of famous saints.^
The justice of these comparisons becomes manifest when we
turn to the records that have been left by holy persons. A most
instructive record from this point of view is the autobiography
of Soeur Jeanne des Anges, superior of the Ursulines of Loudun
in the seventeenth century. She was clever, beautiful, ambitious,
fond of pleasure, still more of power. With this, as often hap-
pens, she was highly hysterical, and in the early years of her
religious life was possessed by various demons of unchastity and
blasphemy with whom for many years she was in constant strug-
gle. She fell in love with a priest of Loudun, Grandier,,a man
whom she had never even seen, only knowing of him as a pow-
erful and fascinating personality at whose feet all women fell,
and she imagined that she and the other nuns of her convent
were possessed through his influence. She was thus the cause
of the trial and execution of Grandier, a famous case in the annals
of witchcraft. In her autobiography Soeur Jeanne describes in
detail how the demons assailed her at night, appearing in las-
civious attitudes, making indecent proposals, raising the bed-
clothes, touching all parts of her body, imploring her to yield to
them, and she tells how strong her temptation was to yield. On
one night, for instance, she writes: "I seemed to feel someone's
breath, and I heard a voice saying: 'The time for resistance has
gone by, you must no longer rebel; by putting off your consent
to what has been proposed you will be injured; you cannot per-
sist in this resistance; God has subjected you to the demands of
a nature which you must satisfy on occasions so urgent.' Then
I felt impure impressions in my imagination and disordered
movements in my body. I persisted in saying at the bottom of
my heart that I would do nothing. I turned to God and asked
Him for strength in this extraordinary struggle.
"Then there was a loud noise in my room, and I felt as if
someone had approached me and put his hand into my bed and
' \\ ilii n-^ard to the sexual element in the w orshij) of the Virfrin,
see "Ueber den ^Taricncnltus," L. Feiierbacli's "Saiiniitliche Werke." B.
1, 1846.
THE ALTO-EROTIC FACTOR IN RELIGION. 341
touched me; and having perceived this I rose, in a state of rest-
lessness, which lasted for a long time afterward.
^'Sonie days later, at midnight, I began to tremble all over
my body as I lay in bed, and to experience much mental anxiety
without knowing the cause. After this had lasted for some time
I heard noises in various parts of my room; the sheet was twice
pulled without entirely uncovering me; the oratory close to my
bed was upset. I heard a voice on the left side, toward which I
was lying. I was asked if I had thought over the advantageous
offer that had been made to me. It was added: ^I have come to
know your reply; I will keep my promise if you will give your
consent; if, on the contrary, you refuse, you will be the most
miserable girl in the world, and all sorts of mischances will hap-
pen to you.^ I replied: 'If there were no God I would fear those
threats; I am consecrated to Him.^ It was replied to me: 'You
will not get much help from God; He will abandon you.' I re-
plied: 'God is my father; He will take care of me; I have re-
solved to be faithful to Him.' He said: 'I will o^ive vou three
days to think over it.' I rose and went to the Holy Sacrament
with an anxious mind.
"Having returned to my room, and being seated on a chair,
it was drawn from under me so that I fell on the floor. Then
the same things happened again. I heard a man's voice saying
lascivious and pleasant things to seduce me; he pressed me to
ofive him room in mv bed; he tried to touch me in an indecent
way; I resisted and prevented him, calling the nuns who were
near my room; the window had been open, it was closed; I felt
strong movements of love for a certain person, and improper
desire for dishonorable things."
She writes again, at a later period: "These impurities and
the fire of concupiscence which the evil spirit caused me to feel,
beyond all that I can say, forced me to throw myself on to braziers
of hot coal, where I would remain for half an hour at a time, in
order to extinguish that other fire, so that half my body was quite
burnt. At other times, in the depth of winter, I have sometimes
passed part of the night entirely naked in the snow, or in tubs
of icy water. I have besides often gone among thorns so that I
16
242 APPENDIX C.
have been torn by them; at other times I have rolled in nettles,
and I have passed whole nights def3dng my enemies to attack
me, and assuring them that I was resolved to defend myself with
the grace of God/^ With her confessor's permission, she also had
an iron girdle made, with spikes, and wore this day and night
for nearly six months until the spikes so entered her flesh that
the girdle could only be removed with difficulty. By means of
these austerities she succeeded in almost exorcising the demons
of unchastity, and a little later, after a severe illness, of which
she believed that she was miraculously cured by St. Joseph, she
appeared before the world almost as a saint, herself possessing
a miraculous power of healing; she traveled through France,
bringing healing wherever she went; the king, the queen, and
Cardinal Eichelieu were at her feet, and so great became the fame
of her holiness that her tomb was a shrine for pilgrims for more
than a century after her death. It was not until late in life,
and after her autobiography terminates, that sexual desire in
Soeur Jeanne (though its sting seems never to have quite disap-
peared) became transformed into passionate love of Jesus, and
it is only in her later letters that we catch glimpses of the com-
plete transmutation. Thus, in one of her later letters we read:
"I cried with ardor, 'Lord! join me to Thyself, transform Thy-
self into me I' It seemed to me that that lovable Spouse was
reposing in my heart as on His throne. What makes me almost
swoon with love and admiration is a certain pleasure which it
seems to me that He takes when all my being flows into His,
restoring to Him with respect and love all that He has given to
me. Sometimes I have permission to speak to our Lord with more
familiarity, calling Him my Love, interesting Him in all that I
ask of Him, as well for myself as for others."
The lives of all the great saints and m3^stics, St. Theresa's
especially, bear witness to operations similar to those so vividly
described by Soeur Jeanne des Anges, though it is very rarely
that any saint has so frankly presented the dynamic mechanism
of the auto-erotic process. The indications they give us, how-
ever, are sufficiently clear. It is enough to ref(M- to the special
niVf'ctioii wliicli llie mvstics have ever borne toward the Song of
THE AUTO-EROTIC FACTOR IN KELIGIOX. 243
Songs, and to note how the most earthly expressions of love in
that poem enter as a perpetual refrain into their writings.^
The courage of the early Christian martyrs, it is abundantly
evident, was in part supported by an exaltation which they frankly
drew from the sexual impulse. Felicula, we are told in the acts
of Achilles and Xereus,- preferred imprisonment, torture, and
death to marriage or pagan sacrifices. When on the rack she was
bidden to deny Christianity, she exclaimed: ''Ego non nego ama-
torem meumV — I will not deny my lover who for my sake has
eaten gall and drunk vinegar, crowned with thorns, and fastened
to the cross.
If finally wc turn to the most popular devotional work that
was ever written, '*The Imitation of Christ,^^ we shall find that
the "love*' there expressed is precisely and exactly the love that
finds its motive power in the emotions aroused by a person of the
other sex. (A very intellectual woman once remarked to me that
the book seemed to her ^^a sort of religious aphrodisiac. '') M we
read, for instance. Book III, Chapter V, of this work ("De Mira-
bili affectu Divini amoris''), we shall find in the eloquence of
this solitary monk in the Low Countries neither more nor less
tlian the emotions of every human lover at their highest limit
of exaltation. ''Xothing is sweeter than love, nothing stronger,
nothing higher, nothing broader, nothing pleasanter, nothing
fuller nor better in heaven or in earth. He who loves, flies, runs,
and rejoices: he is free and cannot be held. He gives all in ex-
change for all, and possesses all in all. He looks not at gifts, but
turns to the giver above all good things. Love knows no meas-
ure, but is fervent beyond all measure. Love feels no burden,
thinks nothing of labor, strives beyond its force, reckons not of
impossibility, for it judges that all things are possible. There-
fore it attempts all things, and therefore it eff^ects much when he
who is not a lover fails and falls. . . . My Love! thou all
mine, and I all thine."'
^ Thus, in St. Theresa's "Coneeptos del Amor de Dios." the words
"Beseme con el heso de sii boca" — Let him kiss me with the kisses of
his movith — constantly recur.
= "Acta Sanctoriim.*' Mav 12th.
244 APPENDIX C.
There is a certain natural disinclination in many quarters
to recognize any special connection between the sexual emotions
and the religious emotions. But this attitude is not reasonable.
A man who is swayed by religious emotions cannot be held re-
sponsible for the indirect emotional results of his condition; he
can be held responsible for their control. Xothing is gained by
refusing to face the possibility that such control may be neces-
sar}^, and much is lost. There is certainly, as I have tried to
indicate, good reason to think that the action and interaction
between the spheres of sexual and religious emotion are very inti-
mate. The obscure promptings of the organism at puberty fre-
quently assume on the psychic side a wholly religious character;
the activity of the religious emotions sometimes tends to pass
over into the sexual region; the suppression of the sexual emo-
tions often furnishes a powerful reservoir of energy to the relig-
ious emotions: occasionally the suppressed sexual emotions
break throus:h all obstacles.
INDEX OF AUTHORS.
Abiicosoff, G., 142.
Adinsell, 53, 54.
^Egineta, Paulus, 100.
,Elian, 212.
Aetius, 70, 100.
Aitkin, 159.
Albrecht, G9.
Allin, 5.
Angelucci, 146.
Anges, Soeur Jeanne des, 240.
Angus, H. C, 13.
Anstie, 128, 176.
Apuleius, 18.
Aquinas, St. Thomas, 129.
Aretajus, 18, 141, 142, 198.
Aristophanes, 117.
Arnould, 66.
Ashwell, 161.
Athenaus, 18.
Axenfeld, 145.
Azava, 52.
Baker, Smith, 188.
Baldwin, J. M., 28.
Ball, 147, 234.
Ballantyne, 65.
Ballion, 34.
Balls-Headley. 143.
Bancroft, H. H., 85.
Baraduc, 176.
Barnes, 63.
Barrus, Clara, 179.
Bartels, Max, 27, 60, 64, 85, 86, 96,
207, 208, 213.
Bastian, 9.
Bastanzi, 212.
Batut, 15.
Bazalgette, 128.
Beard, 57.
Beard, J., 60, 70, 76.
Bekkers, 176.
Berger, 165, 166.
Berkhan, 180.
Berthier, 234.
Beukemann, 95, 97.
Beuttner, 58.
115,
Biernaeki, 162, 163.
Billuart, 129.
Binet, 105.
Binswanger, 187.
Binz, 67.
Blackwell, Elizabeth, 66, 131.
Blandford, 168.
Block, 168.
Blumenbach, 114.
Boethius, 36.
Bohnius, 55.
Bolton, T. L., 50.
Borden, 66.
Bossi, 58.
Boudin, 208.
Bourke, J. G., 31, 88, 213.
Breuer, 136, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154,
155, 160.
Briquet, 143, 145, 147.
Brouardel, 234.
Buchanan, 167.
Buffon, 55, 70.
Bunge, 163.
Burdach, 57.
Burk, F., 105.
Burr, 132.
Burton, Robert. 39, 45.
Burton, Sir R., 117.
Caiger, 108.
Cameron, 32.
Campbell, H., 6, 45. 69. 70.
Carpenter, E., 202.
Carrara, 12.
Casanova, 2, 33. 46, 233.
Chapman, 176, 177.
Charcot, 144, 145. 146, 148, 149, 150,
151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158.
Charrin, 163.
Chaucer, 33, 102. 129.
Christian, 116, 176. 180, 181.
Clark, Campbell, 69.
Clement of Alexandria, 19, 20, 33.
Clement of Rome, 19.
Clipson, 176.
Clouston, 70, 71. 143, 185, 192.
(245)
2-i6
INDEX.
Cue. 11. C 192.
Colin, llerniann, UiO, 177, 203.
Cohn, Salmo, 178.
Colenso, W., 208.
Collins, 187.
Cook, Captain. 31.
Cook, Dr., 52. 84.
Corre, 101.
Cor vat, 22.
Crawley, A. G., 31, 205, 200.
Cricliton-Browne, Sir J., 102, lOG.
Crooke, W., 87.
Croom, Halliday, 53.
Cullen, 101.
Cullingworth, 54.
Curr, 7.
Curschniann. 182. 184.
Cuvier, 55.
Dallemagne, 191.
Dalton, E. T., 11. 8G, 87.
Ualziel, 82.
Dana, 172.
Dandinus, 45.
Daniels, 231.
Darwin, 50.
Davidsohn, C, 10.
De Bonneval, Conite, 46.
De Coiirniont, R.. 21.
Deniker, 11. 50, 99.
Dennis, G., 18.
Denuce, 119.
Depaul, 53.
Derciim, 132.
Deslandes, 172.
Dessoir, Max, 191.
D'Estrez, M., 207.
Diday, 05.
Diderot, 23, 40.
Distant, W. 1... 50.
Donkin, 144.
Dowden, 41.
Dm :\laiirier. 39.
Dudley, 119.
Duflieux, 0(>.
Dii^'^as, ().
Duliuire, 88.
Duncan. Matthews. 145.
Durkheini. .30. 78, 103. 211.
Dnrr, 177.
Dyer. L., SS.
Edwards, W. 11.. 2.!.
Elbel, 200.
Ellenberger, 54.
Ellis. Haveloek. 03. 133, 145. 101. I r4,
218, 219.
Ellis, Sir W.. 179.
Emin Pasha. 37. 40.
Enmiinghaus, 180.
Epicharmus. 27.
Erani. 115.
Erb. 184.
Ernst. 100.
Esciuirol. 233.
Eiilenburg, 180.
Evans, :\1. ]S1.. 17.
Ewald. 91.
Fasbender. 53.
Fehlinu'. 53.
Eeldkiilte, W., 89.
Eel kin. R. W., 38.
Fere, 114. 139, 145, 149. 100, 203.
Fernel. 142.
Ferrero. 24, 35. 143, 170.
Ferriani, 107.
Fewkes, J. W., So.
Fielding, H., 88.
Findley, 53.
Fleishniann. 78.
Fliess, 27, 53, 70, 70, 177.
Forestus, 142.
Folhergill. J. M., 122, 132.
Founiier. 121.
Foville, 142.
Frazer. J. G., 89, 207. 209. 210.
Ficenian. R. A., 14.
Freneh-Sheldon, Mrs., 12.
Freud, 130. 149. 150. 151, 152, 153, 154,
155, 100, 187.
iM-iedreieh. J. H.. 233.
Fritseh, G., 115.
Fiirbringer, 184.
(lalen, 198.
Gall, OS, 192.
Cardiner, J. S., 9.
(Jinland. llauilin. 127.
(Jarnier. 103. 172. 192. 200.
Gason, 51.
Gattel, 187.
Gerard-Varet. 92.
Gibbon. 224.
Gillen. 8.
Gilles de la Toureile. 134. 135. 141. 142,
144. 145, 140, 148, 151, 180.
(Jiollredi, 150.
(Jirandeau, 177.
(ioeix'l, 105.
INDEX.
24T
Goethe, 190.
Goodell, William, 214.
Gould, 08.
Gousset, 199.
Gowcrs, 177, 183.
Green, 24.
Greenlees, 115.
Griesinger, 177, 179, 180.
Grinialdi, 34.
Grimm, J., 89, 91, 93.
Groos, 5, 21, 30.
Grosse, G.
Gruner, 177.
Grunfeld, 118.
Gueniot, 53.
Guerry, 78.
Guise, R. E., 86.
Gury, 200.
Guyau, 5.
Haddon, A. C, 8.
Hahn, E., 55, 89, 232.
Haig, A., 03, 108. 109, 19i.
Hall, Stanley, 5, 39, 40, 218.
Haller, 64.
Hammond, W., 69.
Hartmann, 56.
Haycraft, J. B., 96.
Heape, W., 55, 56, 57, 58, 81, 84.
Hegar, 143.
Helbigius, 55.
Herodotus, 16, 33.
Herondas. 116, 117.
Herrick, 39.
Hersman. 132, 133.
Herter, 36, 177.
Hesiod, 100.
Hill, S. A., 55, 95, 90.
Hime, C. W., 171.
Hippocrates, 65, 140, 142, 162, 186.
Hirschsprung, 173.
Hoche, 170.
Holder, A. B., 10, 52.
Holm, 37.
Holzmann, 200.
Home, Sir E., 180.
Homer, 40.
Hopkins. H. R., 24.
Houssay, 34.
Howe, J. W., 115.
Letamendi, 111.
Huchard, 145.
Letourneau, 27, 37. 40
Hufeland. 111.
Lewis. 176, 177, 234.
Hughes, C. H., 132, 138, 234.
Leyden, 183.
Hutchinson. J., 45.
Loiman. 188.
Hyades, 11.
Loliee, 88.
Icard, .35, 61, 64, 65, 66, 145. 147.
Jacobi, Mary P., ()().
Jacobs, 116.
Jaeger, G., 111.
James, 142.
James, W., 6.
Janet, Pierre, 126, 140, 149. 150, 158.
Jastrow, :\[orris (Jr.), 52, 92, 128. 209.
Jerome, St., 33.
Joal, 177.
Joest, 116.
Johnston, Sir H. H., 12, 13, 8(i.
Johnstone, A. W., 57, 62, 82, 83.
Jones, Lloyd, 163, 164.
Jortin, 20.
Kaan, 111.
Kahlbaum, 181.
Keill, 68.
Keith, 57.
Kellogg, 172, 183.
Kemsoes, 79.
Kennedy, Helen, 26.
Kiernan, J. G., 132, 180, 181.
King, A. F. A., 158, 159, 160.
Klemm, K., 12.
Kline, L. W., 102. 103.
Koch, J. L. A., 181.
Koster, 51.
Kowelewsky, M., 90.
KraflFt-Ebing, 66, 147, 181, 187. 234.
Krieger, 53, 100.
Kriechmar, 177.
Kroner, 44.
Kubary, 9.
Kulischer, 81.
i^acassagne, 101, 176.
Lactantius, 17.
Lallemand, 176.
Landouzy, 142, 147.
Landry, 41, 232.
Laurent, E., 101.
Laurent, L., 213, 215. 216.
Laycock, 53, 67, 68, 70, 78, 80, 100. 143.
Learovd, Mabel, 126.
Legludic, 101, 184, 185.
Lepois, C, 142.
248
INDEX.
Lombroso, 12. 24, 35, 139, 143.
Lorion, 116.
Lucretius, 34.
Luther, 130.
Luzet, 162.
Lydston, 123.
MacGillieuddv, 125.
Mackenzie, J. X., 177.
MacLean. 54.
Malling-Hansen, 50, 104, 105.
Man. 7. 11.
Mannhardt, 89, 99.
Mantegazza, 15, 27, 40, 51, 52, 57, 114.
Marchi. Attilio de. 208.
Mariani. 239. 240.
Marie. 144. 234.
Marro, 167, 181, 182.
Marsh, 54.
Marston. 117.
Martial. 46.
Martineau, 123. 184.
Mason, O. T., 11.
Matignon, 15.
Maudsley, 181.
Mayr, G., 97. i
Melanethon, 257. I
Melinand, 44. I
Michelet. 141. |
Migne, 19.
Mikhieho-iMacleay, 86. '
Mirabeau, 118.
Mitchell, H. ^\., 58.
Mitford, 16. !
Modigliani, 7.
Moli^re, 41.
Moll, A., 56. 57, 61, 78, 111. 114. 122, j
130. 136, 172, 192.
Mondi^re, 84, 116.
Montague. Lady M. W., 22.
Moraglia. 116, 166. 168, 173. 177.
Morel, 234.
Morris, R. T., 120, 174.
Morselli, 103, 2.34.
Mortimer, G.. 27, 183.
Morvson, F., 22.
Miiller, 85.
Murisier, 235.
N-icke, P., 137, 138, 168, 170, 172. 181,
183, 208.
Nansen, 37.
N^grier, 65.
Nelson. J.. 51. 75, 76, 77. 79. 98.
Xiccforo, 42, 167.
Nicolas of Cusa, 67.
Xippo, Augustin, 100.
Xonnan, Conolly, 71, 234.
Ogle, 104.
Oliver, 63.
Omer Haleby, 199.
Oribasius, 100.
Paget, Sir J., 130, 185.
Pare, A., 142.
Parke, T. H., 14.
Partridge, 43.
Paulus -Lgineta, 100.
Pausanias. 128.
Pearson, K., 89.
Pechuel-Loesche, 14.
Peckham, 105.
Penta, 112.
Perez, 28.
Perry-Coste, 72, 76, 79, 99, 108.
Peschel, 27.
Peyer, 55, 176.
Phillip, 187.
Pierracini, 146.
Pitres, 133, 134, 135, 147.
Plant, 60.
Plato, 17. 140, 162.
Pliny, 212, 213.
Ploss. 27, 60. 64, 85, 86, 96, 115, 207,
208, 213.
Plutarch, 17, 198.
Pouchet, 60.
Pouillet, 118, 119, 121, 172, 177.
Poulet, 119.
Power, 178.
Priestley, Sir W., 53, 54.
Procopius, 20.
Pvle, 68.
Quetelet, 94.
Rabelais, 89.
Raciborski, 55, 60, 65.
RatTalovich, 127.
Ratzel, 27.
Rr-gis, 234.
Reinach, S., 29, 61.
Rengger, 55.
Renooz, Celine, 4.
Reverdin, 119.
Reynolds, R., 159.
Revs, 207.
Ribot, 6.
INDEX.
249
Richer, 142.
Kichet, 30, 47.
Kobinson, 58.
Kohe, 132.
Rohleder, 120, 121. Hi."). 106, 167, 172,
173, 182, 184, 1S7.
Roland, ^ladame, 129.
Rosenstadt, 81, 90.
Rosenthal, 147. 100.
Rosse, Irving, 24.
Roth, W., 8, 9. 115.
Rousseau, 23, 127, 170, 190.
Roussel, 06.
Routh, A., 54.
Rudeck, 20, 21, 27.
Rufus, 100.
Rush, 161.
Sanchez, 61, 120, 200.
Sanctis, Sante de^ 134.
Sanctorius, 68.
Savage, 176, 234.
Savill, T. D., 187, 189.
Schellong, 8.
Schomburgk, 207.
Schrenck-Notzing, 125.
Schroeder, lis.
Schroeder Van der Kolk, 233.
Schtile, 181.
Schultz, A., 27.
"Schurigius, 55.
Schurtz, 40.
Schwartz, 89.
Scluveinfurth. 12.
Scott, Colin, 29.
Selden, 224.
Serieux, 125, 235.
Sergi, 5, 6.
Shaw, Capel, 100.
Shufeldt, R. W.. 172, 177.
Skene, 176. 177.
Smith, E., 79. 80, 97, 108.
Smith, Robertson. 91, 206, 209.
Sollier, 136, 139, 140, 156.
Solon, 224.
Soraerville, 7, 9.
Sore], 53.
Sormani, 95.
Spencer, Baldwin, 8.
Spencer, Herbert, 27.
Spitzka, 172, 176, 182, 189.
Sporer, 200.
St. Alphonse de Ligouri, 199.
St. Hilaire, J. G., 55.
St. Jerome, 33.
St. Theresa, 235.
St. Thomas Acjuinas, 129.
Starbuck, 28, 231, 235.
Stein, Gertrude, 157, 158.
Steinen, K. von der, 10, 32, 37, 39, 44.
Stendhal, 3.
Stephenson, 68.
Sterne, 42.
Stevens, H. V., 32, 35.
Stieda, 163.
Stirling, 8.
Stockman, 163.
Strack, 213.
Sudduth, 172, 191.
Susruta, 63.
Sutherland, A., 9.
Sutton, Bland, 54, 55, 57, 62.
Swift, 42.
Sydenham, 142, 163.
Tacitus, 217.
Taine, 23.
Tait, Lawson, 60, 172.
Tardieu, 185.
Tautain, 10.
Tertullian, 18, 36.
Thucydides, 17.
Thurm, E. im, 10.
Tille, A.. 90, 93.
Tillier, 114, 201.
Tilt, 24, 27.
Tissot, 172, 176, 179, 183, 188, 201.
Toulouse, 184.
Townsend, C. W.. 123, 124.
Tregear, 209.
Treutler, 47.
Turnbull, 192.
Turner, 10.
Uflelmann, 180.
Valleix, 53.
Vallon, 234.
Van der Wiel, 55.
Vedeler, 123.
Velpeau, 52.
Venturi, 4, 168, 201, 202.
Viazzi, 4.
Villagomez, 86.
Villermay, L., 142.
Villerme, 94, 95. 101.
Virchow, 163.
Vogel, 180.
Voltaire, 176.
Von Oye, 177.
250
INDEX.
Wade, Sir W. F., C4.
Wahl, 104.
Waitz, 40. 44.
Waitz-Gerland, 27.
Wappiius, 94.
Ward. H., 14.
^Var<Jrentin, 94.
\\ arinan, 141.
Weisser. 8G.
Wellhausen, 15, 36, 91, 209.
Wenck, Marv, 100.
West, C, 183.
West, J. P., 1G8.
Westermarck, G. 27. 38, 81. 84. 98, 211.
W ev. H. D., 101, 102.
Wicliniann, 100.
Wifl, \'an der, o3.
AVigglesworth, 192.
^\'illis, 142.
\\ ilson. J. M., 233.
Wiltshire, A., 54. 81,
ANinckel, 118, 177.
Wollstonecraft. M.. 7
Wood, H. C. 132.
^\'right, 20.
Yellowlees, 181, 183.
Zache, 42, 208.
Zeller, 17, 198.
83.
23.
IXDEX OF SUBJECTS.
Africa, luoclesty in, 12-15.
sexual periodicity in, 85, 86.
American Indians, menstruation in,
52-53.
modesty of. 10-11.
Anaemia and hysteria, 162 et seq.
Andamanese modesty, 7.
Animals, breeding season, 82-84.
heat in, 60.
hysteria in, 145.
masturbation in, 114, 184.
modesty in, 28-29, 34.
Annual sexual rhythm, 82 ct seq., 221
et seq.
Apes, masturbation in, 114.
menstruation in, 55-57.
Arab, modesty, 14-15.
ancient, conception of uncleanliness,
209.
Arabian festivals, 91.
Araucanian modesty, 47.
Art and sexual organs, 61.
Asafetida. 141.
Attitudes passiotnielles, 153.
Australia, modesty in, 7-8.
sexual festivals in, 85.
Baboon, menstruation in, 55-56.
Babylonian festivals, 91-92.
Bashfulness, 27.
Bathing, promiscuous, 19.
Beltane fires, 89.
Bengal, sexual periodicity in, 86-87.
Birth-rate, 94-97.
Bladder, foreign bodies in. 118-119.
Blood, menstrual, supposed virtues of,
212-213.
primitive ideas about. 211.
Blood-pressure, 63, 191.
Blushing. 44-46.
Bon-fire festivals, 88-93.
Bosom in relation to modesty, 14, 37.
Brazil, modesty in, 10. 32.
Bread consumption, periodicity in, 105.
Brum alia, 88.
Burmali. sexual periodicity in. 88.
Cambodia, sexual periodicity in, 84.
Catholic theologians, on erotic dreams,
129.
on masturbation, 200.
Celibacy and religion, 232.
Ceremonial element in modesty, 42, 48,
Children, masturbation in, 120, 123,
166-167, 174, 180.
periodicity of growth in, 78, 104-105.
spring fever in, 102.
their lack of modesty, 27-28, 39.
Chimpanzee, menstruation in, 57.
Chinese modesty, 15.
Chlorosis and hysteria, 162-164.
Christianity, attitude of, toward mas-
turbation, 199.
in relation to modesty, 18-21.
Christmas festivals, 90, 91.
Clothing and modesty, 2, 5, 39-40.
Cod-piece, 1.
Coitus, and masturbation, 184.
and menstruation, 60, 63-66.
as a sedative, 191.
often painful in hysteria. 135, 147,
160.
Conception-rate, 81 et seq.
Continence, importance of, 198.
Coquetry, 30, 34, 38.
Crime, periodicity of, 101.
Criminals, masturbation among, 167.
sexual outbursts in, 101.
Crow, breeding habits of, 83.
Cycling in relation to sexual excite-
ment. 122-123.
Day-dreaming, 126-128.
Deer, breeding habits of, 82-83.
Delectatio nvwosa, 125.
Diogenes, 198.
Disgust as a factor of modesty, 30-35,
48, 64.
Dogs, breeding season of, 82.
Dreams and sexual periodicity, 75. 98-
99, 219 et seq.
Ea-^ter festivals. SS. 91
(•251)
9^0
INDEX.
Eating, modesty in, 31-32.
Eebolic curve, 75 et seq., 21S et seq.
Economic factor of modesty, 40-41, 48.
Epilepsy, anciently confused with hys-
teria, 141.
and masturbation. 183.
Erotic dreams, 128-138.
festivals, 85 et seq.
Esquimaux, menstruation in. 52.
sexual habits of, 84.
Evil eye and modesty, 3G.
Eve-disorders and masturbation. 176-
178.
Face as a centre of modesty, 37, 46.
Fear, modesty based on, 27.
Festivals, erotic, 85 et seq.
Fools, feast of, 88.
General paralysis, periodicity of, 103.
Globus hystericus, 140.
Goethe. 190.
Gogol, 190.
Greeks, attitude of. toward masturba-
tion, 198.
festivals of, 88.
modesty among, 16-17.
Growth, periodicity of, 104-105.
Hair-pin used in masturbation, 118-
119.
Hallucinations, erotic, 132-137. 151.
Heart disease and menstrual rhythm
in men, 71-75.
"Heat" in animals, 54.
relation of, to menstruation. 54-60.
82-84.
Horse-exercise as a cause of sexual
excitement, 120.
Horses, masturbation in. 114.
Hottentots, masturbation among. 115.
Hysteria, and chlorosis, 162-164.
and masturbation, 183.
coitus often painful in, 135-136.
in relation to sexual emotions, 140
et seq.
its alleged seasonal prevalence, 100,
159.
nocturnal hallucinations of, 133-137.
Illegitimate births, periodicity of. 05.
India, conception-rate in, 95.
Insane, masturbation in the, 168.
modestv in the, 34.
Insanity, and ma->turbation, 179 et seq.
periodicity of, 103.
Ireland, modestv in, 22, 40.
Ishtar, 92.
Italv. modestv in, 22.
Japanese, masturbation among. 116.
modesty, 16.
Lapps, menstruation among, 52.
Lizard and woman in folk-lore, 206-
207.
Macaque, menstruation in, 55-56.
Mammary masturbation, 114. 173.
Maori, modesty, 9.
mythology, 208-:::09.
Masturbation, among lower human
races, 114,
as a sedative, 191 et seq.
combined with religious emotions,
233 et seq.
in men of genius, 190.
its prevalence among animals. 114.
methods of, 116 et seq.
periodicity of, 79.
prevalence of, 165 et srq.
symptoms and results of, 175 rt s«q.
May-day festivals, 91.
^ledicean Venus, 28.
^lenstrual blood, supposed virtues of,
212-213.
Menstrual cycle in men, 67 et seq., 218
et seq.
^lenstruation, and hysteria, 147.
and modesty, 26.
and social position of women, 205 et
srq.
cause, doubtful, 57.
in animals, 54-57.
infrequency among some primitive
peoples, 52-53.
occasional absence in health. 58,
100.
origin of. 50-51.
precocity in, 167.
primitive theory of, 208.
regarded as a process of purification,
36.
relation of, to sexual desire. (>0-66,
174.
H'lation to ovulation, 58.
Metabolism, seasonal influences on,
108.
Midsummer festivals, 89-92.
INDEX.
253
M IttclHvh inrrz, 53-54.
Mohammedan, attitude toward mas-
turbation, 195).
modestj^ 15.
Monkeys, breeding season of, 82, 84.
masturbation in, 114.
menstruation in, 55-57.
Moon and menstruation, 50-52, 68.
Moral element in modesty, 41.
Moritz, K. P., 190.
Mysticism, 235.
Nagas, modesty of, 11.
Nakedness chaste in its effects, 39.
Xates as a centre of modesty, 37.
Negroes, modesty of, 12-14.
Nervous diseases and masturbation,
177 et scq.
Neurasthenia and masturbation. 186-
187.
New Britain, sexual periodicity in, 86.
New Georgians, modesty among, 7.
New Guinea, folk-lore of menstruation
in, 207.
New Hebrides, modesty in, 9.
Nias, modesty in, 7.
Nicobarese modesty, 11.
Novel-reading, alleged sexual perio-
dicity in, 106-108.
Nymphomania, 100.
"Onanism," the term, 111.
Orang-outang, menstruation in, 55-56.
Ornament as a sexual lure, 39.
Ovaries w^th hysteria, alleged associa-
tion of, 146.
Ovulation and menstruation, 58.
Papuans, modesty among, 8.
sexual periodicity among, 86.
Penis siiccedanens, 117.
PoUutio, 129.
Polynesian modesty, 9.
Pregnancy, menstrual cycle during, 70.
Priestess, woman as, 216.
Prostitutes, masturbation in. 167-168,
173.
modesty of, 24, 35.
Protestantism and masturbation. 200.
Prurience based on modesty. 42.
Railway-traveling as a cause of sex-
ual excitement. 120-121.
Rapes, periodicity of, 101.
Iveligioii and sexual emotions, 5, 60,
120, 231 rt seq.
Rhythm, 49-50.
Ritual factor of modesty, 35-36.
Romans, modesty of, 16-18.
Rosalia, 88.
Rousseau, 190.
Russia, conception-rale in, 95.
Rut, 54, 60.
Samoyeds, menstruation among, 52.
Saturnalia, 88.
Scarlet fever, periodicity of, 108.
Schools, masturbation in, 169-172.
Seasonal periodicity of sexual impulse,
80 et scq.
Seduction and menstruation, 65.
Seminal emissions during sleep, 75-78,
100, 128 et seq.
Serpent in folk-lore, 206.
Sewing-machine as a cause of sexual
excitement, 121-122.
Sexual anesthesia, 66.
Sexual desire, in relation to hysteria,
140 et seq.
in relation to menstruation, 60-66.
in relation to season, 80 et seq.
monthly periodicity of, in men, 70-
71, 224.
Sexual factor of modesty, 28.
Sexual organs, difference between sav-
age and civilized attitude toward,
61.
Sleep in relation to sexual activity,
75-78.
Snake and woman in folk-lore, 206 et
seq.
Sneezing reflex, 152.
Spring, as season for sexual excite-
ment, 80, 100.
festivals, 85 et seq.
"Spring fever," 102.
St. John's Eve, festival of, 89-92.
Suicide, periodicity of, 78, 103.
Tammuz festival, 92.
Thigh-friction, 123-124.
Torres Straits, modesty at, 8.
Turkish modesty, 22.
Uncleanness, primitive conception of,
20S-209.
j Uric-acid excretion, periodicity of, 108-
1 109.
254
INDEX.
yalentmians, 213. Weekly sexual rhythm, 78, 227
\ eilmg lace, origin of custom of, 36. Witches, erotic hallucinations of. 135.
rr 1 • 7 . .., ^Vomb witli hysteria, supposed connec-
Walpurgisnacht. 91. : tion of, 140 et seq.
DIAGRAMS.
DIAORAM&.
257
Chart I.— The Monthly Ecbolic Curve.
17
DIAGRAMS.
259
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Chart II.— The Annual Curve of the Coneeption-
ra'^e in Europe.
DIAGRAMS.
261
Chart III. — The Annual Ecbolic Curve.
FEBtMAR.APR.-MAY JUNrJLY AUGrSEP. OCT7NOV. DEC:JAN. FEBzMAR.
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3,^00-3,300
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Chart TV. — Curve of the Annual Incidence of Insanitv in London.
Chart V. — Curve of the Annual Incidence of (General
Paralysis in Paris (Garnier).
DIAGRAMS.
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Chart VI. — The Suicide-rate in London.
Chart \\\.
DIAGRAMS.
265
Chart VIII.
DIAGRAMS.
267
Dotted line Sum of years m6ySy,88y89,9J,9''
Broken line Sum of years lS93M,0^,S6,9y.
Contmuoud line Sum of all the eleven years.
i■'y:^«^•i
^ Bays of Lunar Month. '
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Chart IX. — Lunar-monthly Rhythm of Male Sexual
Period.
DIAGRAMS.
269
Pairs Of days of Lunar Month,
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DIAGRAMS.
271
Chart XIa. — Weekly Rhythm of Male Sexual Period.
DIAGRAMS.
27;i
iV^ Of obsen^aMone.
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Chabt XIb.— Weekly Rhythm of Male Sexual Period.
DIAGRAMS.
Chakt XII.— Weekly Rhythm of Male Sexual Period.
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